2020-05-25 George Floydin kuolema Minneapolisissa ja BLM-protestit ympäri maailmaa

[mannym]

Aikaisemmin jo kun bodycam transcripti julkaistiin, voitiin havaita ettei koko keissi kulkenut kuten leikatut twitter videot tai valtamedia väittivät. Kun katselee tämän ketjun alkupäähän niin voi nähdä kuinka vähillä tiedoilla ja videoilla mielikuvat luotiin ja tuomioita jaeltiin. Nyt kun transkripti on julkaistu jo heinäkuun alkupuolella ja nyt tuli video joka todentaa transkriptin oikeellisuuden, voi tehdä rehellisempiä mielikuvia ja "tuomioita".

Mutta älkää peljätkö, demokraatit, demokraattimieliset, antifa, blm ja muut eivät välitä totuudesta lainkaan, vaan jatkavat kuin tätä videota ei ikinä olisi julkaistu. He kyllä tietävät ja ovat tietäneet että George Floyd oli vain tekosyy, kansikuva jonka kohtalolla poliisin käsissä, saatiin oiva oikeutus kaikelle.

Osa väestä joka on Floydin kuolemasta johtuen riehuneet, ehkä tulevat järkiinsä kun näkevät itse kuinka heille valehdeltiin. Suurin osa ei kuitenkaan tule, koska Floyd ei ollut oikeasti se syy riehua tai rellestää. Floyd oli vain kätevä oikeutus, jonka pohja oli alunperinkin hutera ja nyt olematon.

Saas nähdä toimiiko Keynesin logiikka kuinka monella. When the Facts Change, I Change My Mind. What Do You Do, Sir?

[Osiris]

Kontrollialan ammattilaisen sekä ilmeisesti sivutöinään toimittelijan töitä painavan Kaisla Kuuskosken videoanalyysin perusteella vastarintaa ei ollut ja BLM voi sittenkin jatkua. On tämä sitten suoraan sanottuna aivan uskomatonta paskaa.

https://www.is.fi/ulkomaat/art-2000006592112.html

Daily Mailin käsiinsä saamista videoista käy ilmi, että mies ei tehnyt vastarintaa.

Poliisien kehokameravideot George Floydin viimeisistä minuuteista ovat vuotaneet brittilehti Daily Mailille. Videonpätkistä käy ilmi, että poliisien käsiin kuollut Floyd ei tehnyt vastarintaa pidätystilanteessa.

Toisella videoista poliisi Thomas Lane kysyy Derek Chauvinilta, pitäisikö Floyd kääntää kyljelleen. Chavin painoi Floydin kaulaa polvellaan lähes yhdeksän minuutin ajan.

– Ei, hän pysyy siinä, mihin laitoin hänet, Chauvin vastaa.

– Olen vain huolissani houreilusta tai jostain, Lane sanoo.

– Sen takia ambulanssi on tulossa, Chauvin sanoo.
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[nollatoleranssi]

Kontrollialan ammattilaisen sekä ilmeisesti sivutöinään toimittelijan töitä painavan Kaisla Kuuskosken videoanalyysin perusteella vastarintaa ei ollut ja BLM voi sittenkin jatkua. On tämä sitten suoraan sanottuna aivan uskomatonta paskaa.

https://www.is.fi/ulkomaat/art-2000006592112.html

Daily Mailin käsiinsä saamista videoista käy ilmi, että mies ei tehnyt vastarintaa.

Poliisien kehokameravideot George Floydin viimeisistä minuuteista ovat vuotaneet brittilehti Daily Mailille. Videonpätkistä käy ilmi, että poliisien käsiin kuollut Floyd ei tehnyt vastarintaa pidätystilanteessa.

Toisella videoista poliisi Thomas Lane kysyy Derek Chauvinilta, pitäisikö Floyd kääntää kyljelleen. Chavin painoi Floydin kaulaa polvellaan lähes yhdeksän minuutin ajan.

– Ei, hän pysyy siinä, mihin laitoin hänet, Chauvin vastaa.

– Olen vain huolissani houreilusta tai jostain, Lane sanoo.

– Sen takia ambulanssi on tulossa, Chauvin sanoo.
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Katselin videon. Siinä videossa on valtaosa tilanteesta täysin pimennossa eli ei näy mitään mitä tapahtuu. Tietysti voidaan aina kysyä olisiko videota julkaistu jossain toisessa tilanteessa, kun noista väkivaltaisuuksista ja jopa murhista ollaan täysin hiljaa...

Floyd tosiaan pidätettiin auton ratista. Pidätys näyttää suomalaisittain rajulta, kun poliisi osoittaa aseella, mutta sen jälkeen Floydia talutettiin muiden videoiden perusteella minuutteja. Floyd ei käyttäytynyt videon perusteella kovin vaarallisesti, mutta enemmän pelokkaasti. Floydilla ei ollut ongelmia olla oman auton sisällä, mutta poliisiauton penkille oli vaikeaa mennä. Loppuosa missä oletettu poliisien toiminta olisi tapahtunut, niin ei näy videolla mitenkään. Lisäksi kun tilanne kesti yli 10-20-minuuttia, niin kovin vähän tuossa näkyy. Idea on lähinnä arvata mitä siinä tapahtuu ja tämä on tietysti tarkoituskin.

Toki toinen kysymys on siinäkin, että vaikka Floyd olisi kuollut pidätystilanteessa eli millään fentalyynilla, koronalla yms. ei olisi ollut merkitystä, niin voiko sen takia BLM-aktivistit ampua 8-vuotiaan mustan tytön ja n. 18-vuotiaan mustan pojan, murhata paljon muitakin ihmisiä ja syyllistyä erittäin törkeisiin väkivaltaisuuksiin mm. jahdata valkoisia naisia, nuoria ja sen jälkeen pahoinpidellä heitä väkivaltaisesti.

[F1nka]

Aika kylmäävää. Kaveri oli ilmiselvästi hädissään ja myöhemmin vaikka ohikulkijatkin jo vaativat että katso edes pulssi, niin tyypit olivat vain like a boss. Vähän pitäisi älytä, jos toinen ensin mekastaa ja kiemurtaa ja kohta on aivan hiljaa.

Toisaalta, jos kundi minuutteja ennen maahan laittoa aloittaa "I can't breathe"-hokemisen, niin kun kaveri silti puhaltaa ja vastaan hangoittelee, niin miksi se "I can't breathe" tarkoittaisi siinä polven alla jotain muuta kuin poliisiautoon tungettaessa sanottu "I can't breathe".

Toki kaikelta tältä olisi vältytty ilman huumeita ja huumeiden välityskoneistoa. Mieluummin poliisi eliminoisi sen, joka näille kakarasta asti ensimmäiset jointit, pirit ja kokaviivat myy. Yksi syy Trumpin Meksikon rajamuuriin oli huumekauppa, mutta siitä ei paljon puhuta, kun Trump puhuu itsekin enemmän laittomista siirtolaisista. Näiden liittäminen huumekuriireihin olisi toki ihmisoikeusrikos, vaikka suurin osa huumeista tulisikin laittomien rajanylittäjien mukana etelästä.

...

-i-

Fentanyyli, joka oli George Floydin verestä suurissa määrin löytynyt huume, tulee Kiinasta. Jos halutaan vähentää George Floyd -tyylisiä "I can't breath" -tilanteita, pitäisi painostaa Kiinan valtiota lopettamaan fentanyylin valmistus ja dumppaus Amerikkoihin. Vielä kun löytyisi henkilö jolla olisi kyky ja halu kritisoida Kiinaa...

Scott Adams, joka on perehtynyt fentanyyliin poikapuolensa kuoltua siihen, on kommentoinut aihetta: https://www.scottadamssays.com/2020/06/01/episode-1013-scott-adams-chinese-fentanyl-was-in-george-floyd-explains-everything/

[Urban Moving Systems]

Ensimmäinen vartalokameravideo on julkaistu Georgen pidätyksestä. George ei ole kauhean yhteistyöhaluinen, vastustaa, sekoilee ja valehtelee poliisimiehille. Video ei ole eduksi BLM-liikkeelle tai demokraattien mellakoille.

Daily Mail Youtube

Tässä syy, miksi videota ei julkaistu aiemmin:

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[Lalli IsoTalo]

Tästä synteettisestä morfiinistä: meidän rumpali näytti rinnassaan olevaan laastaria, suunnilleen vikoissa treeneissa, jolloin pystyi vielä soittamaan, just ennen syöpäkuolemaansa, että "ei tämä syöpää paranna, mutta helpottaa kipuja".

Tai jotain silleen.

Näistä laastareista narkkarit ilmeisesti lypsävät kamaa, tietämättä paljonko sitä irtoaa.

Ymmärsin, että synteettinen morfiini olisi 100x vahvempaa kuin luonnonmukainen.

[Urban Moving Systems]

Seattle Civil Rights Office Designs Course to Help Employees with 'Processing White Feelings'

The Civil Rights Office for the city of Seattle has developed a curriculum on "institutionalized racial superiority" that appears designed to train white people only, according to documents obtained by independent journalist Christopher Rufo.

The documents include powerpoint slides for a course on "Institutionalized Racial Superiority for white people." One slide asks "What do we do in white people space?" and takes students through "Processing white feelings: working through emotions that often come up for white people like sadness, shame, paralysis, confusion, denial, etc."

Participants are then asked to explain how they benefit from "white supremacy," how their "white fragility" "shows up at work," or if they're aware of their "white silence."

Another document lists certain traits deemed to be indicative of "internalized racial superiority," including perfectionism, individualism, objectivity, and "anti-blackness." That list is contrasted with traits deemed indicative of "internalized racial inferiority," which include ethnocentrism and addiction, as well as "anti-blackness."
...

Various private and public institutions throughout the U.S. have proclaimed their commitment to "anti-racism" initiatives following the death of George Floyd, an African American man killed during his arrest by Minneapolis police officers. Floyd's death sparked massive demonstrations in major American cities as well as rioting and looting during the last weekend of May.

https://news.yahoo.com/seattle-civil-rights-office-designs-165931743.html

https://christopherrufo.com/seattle-office-of-civil-rights-training-on-internalized-racial-superiority-for-white-people/

[n.n.]

Seattle Civil Rights Office Designs Course to Help Employees with 'Processing White Feelings'

The Civil Rights Office for the city of Seattle has developed a curriculum on "institutionalized racial superiority" that appears designed to train white people only, according to documents obtained by independent journalist Christopher Rufo.

The documents include powerpoint slides for a course on "Institutionalized Racial Superiority for white people." One slide asks "What do we do in white people space?" and takes students through "Processing white feelings: working through emotions that often come up for white people like sadness, shame, paralysis, confusion, denial, etc."

Participants are then asked to explain how they benefit from "white supremacy," how their "white fragility" "shows up at work," or if they're aware of their "white silence."

Another document lists certain traits deemed to be indicative of "internalized racial superiority," including perfectionism, individualism, objectivity, and "anti-blackness." That list is contrasted with traits deemed indicative of "internalized racial inferiority," which include ethnocentrism and addiction, as well as "anti-blackness."
...

Various private and public institutions throughout the U.S. have proclaimed their commitment to "anti-racism" initiatives following the death of George Floyd, an African American man killed during his arrest by Minneapolis police officers. Floyd's death sparked massive demonstrations in major American cities as well as rioting and looting during the last weekend of May.

https://news.yahoo.com/seattle-civil-rights-office-designs-165931743.html

https://christopherrufo.com/seattle-office-of-civil-rights-training-on-internalized-racial-superiority-for-white-people/

Neuvostoliitossa oli uudelleenkoulutusleirejä, jossa ruodittiin kumouksellisuus tms. pois ihmisestä. Täysin epäonnistunut keksintö, koska sama missio voidaan integroida jo olemassa oleviin koulutusjärjestelmiin ja saadaan pois sellaiset haaskaominaisuudet kuin 'objektiivisuus'. Ymmärrettävää, koska juuri objektiivisuus onkin ristiriidassa mm. intersektionalismin kanssa.

[zupi]

Muutama twiitti Thomas Sowellilta, ajalta jälkeen George Floydin.

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[Skeptikko]

Valkoinen BLM-riehuja yritti ampua sivullisen autoa, mutta vahingossa osuikin kahteen mellakoijaan?

Samuel Young, Alleged Shooter During Elijah McClain Protest, Faces Attempted Murder Charges
https://denver.cbslocal.com/2020/07/28/samuel-young-aurora-mugshot-shooting-jeep-elijah-mcclain-protest/

AURORA, Colo. (CBS4) – Aurora police have arrested the 23-year-old man accused of firing a gun during a weekend protest and injuring two people. He was identified as Samuel Young a day later and arrested at his home on Monday. An online search of public records indicates he is a Wheat Ridge resident.

The shooting happened on Interstate 225 in Aurora on Saturday evening in the midst of the chaos when a Jeep drove through a crowd of protesters who were gathered to protest the death of Elijah McClain. The vehicle didn't make contact with anyone.
...
Young is accused of shooting at the Jeep as it came down the interstate and two protesters where the ones who were hurt. He is tentatively charged with four counts of attempted murder.

[Viljami]

^Mitä mahtaa ko. jantterin päässä liikkua tällä hetkellä? Kiva se on vähän riehua ja väittää tuhoamista ja murhan yrityksiä perustuslailliseksi oikeudekseen, kuten joidenkin olen kuullut tekevän. Nyt on sitten turha rypistellä, kun tuli maksun aika. Mellakoitsijan elämällä ei ole väliä, eikä tarvitse ollakaan.

[Simo_Toini]

Tässä syy, miksi videota ei julkaistu aiemmin:

SJW-syyttäjät ovat maailmaa pelastamassa. Tiedotteet, faktat ja syytettävät täytyy valikoida huolella, jotta aate valaistuu.

Mellakat auttavat asiaa.

[kriittinen_ajattelija]

https://youtu.be/h0U2QUGKbSE

Kanye Westin uusin biisi, liittyen USA;n nykytilaan.

Kanye West on yksi niistä mustista jotka on worth of respect.

Koko BLM on liberaalin eliitin juoni vaan ajaa omia tavoitteitaan, tällä liikkeellä ei ole mitään tekemistä mustien oikeuksien kanssa.

[IDA]

Koko BLM on liberaalin eliitin juoni vaan ajaa omia tavoitteitaan, tällä liikkeellä ei ole mitään tekemistä mustien oikeuksien kanssa.

Ei olekaan. Se suomalainen kahvilanpitäjä Portlandissa kuvaa mellakoitsijoita paljon paremmin kuin keskiverto, amerikkalainen musta. Mustie joukossa kyllä tapahtuu ryöstelyä, mutta jos katsoo mitä tahansa videota mellakoivista mielenosoittajista niin harvinaisen poroporvarillisia, valkoisia yliopistokakaroita ne ovat. Näyttää myös siltä, että myös ne ovat nyt ottaneet vähintään kauppojen ikkunoiden rikkomisen käyttöön, vaikka eivät toki uusinta Applea ja parhaita lenkkitossuja tarvitsekaan, koska heillä jo on ne. Ovat varmaan huumaantuneet vallasta, koska luennoitsijat pelkäävät heitä.

[ISO]

Aika huvittavaa oikeastaan miten mustia jälleen kerran käytetään hyväksi valkoisen toimesta, näitten ollessa tällä kerralla vasemmistolaisia kommunisteja, marxilaisia, jotka käyttää mustia hyväkseen ajaessaan Yhdysvaltoja sekasortoon päästäkseen itse valtaan ja muuttaakseen maan kommunistiseksi ihmemaaksi.

Ilmeisesti tämänkaltainen hyväksikäyttö on kuitenkin jälleen kerran sitä parempaa hyväksikäyttöä, koska lopputulos on oikeampi.

[pienivalkeapupu]

https://youtu.be/h0U2QUGKbSE

Kanye Westin uusin biisi, liittyen USA;n nykytilaan.

Kanye West on yksi niistä mustista jotka on worth of respect.

Koko BLM on liberaalin eliitin juoni vaan ajaa omia tavoitteitaan, tällä liikkeellä ei ole mitään tekemistä mustien oikeuksien kanssa.

KW on muuten mielenterveyssyytösten (ns) kohteena näinä päivinä. Tai siis "hänen m-terveydestään ollaan huolissaan." Hmmhh...

[JiM]

Red Bullilta ei herunut tukea BLM:lle.

Red Bull Fires "Woke" Diversity Directors Who Tried To Push For BLM Support


https://www.zerohedge.com/political/red-bull-fires-woke-diversity-directors-who-tried-push-blm-support

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'Unwoke.hr - työnvälitys yrityksille ja osaajille, jotka eivät sateenkaariliputa

Viimeinkin raikasta ilmaa ja vettä autiomaahan. Uusi Unwoke.hr työnvälityspalvelu niille yrityksille ja itsenäisille ajattelijoille, jotka ovat täysin kyllästyneitä vihervasemmiston marxilaiseen hyveposeeraukseen: Sateenkaarilippuihin, yksisarvisiin, BLM roskaan ja muuhun kommunistiseen aktivismiin.

Unwoke.hr mainostaa: Palkkaa ajattelijoita, älä vasemmistoradikaaleja.

"Työskentele yrityksessä, jonka johtajat eivät koskaan polvistu tai kumarra sateenkaarilippua liehuttavalle vasemmistomafialle"

Kaikki tulee Suomeen viiveellä, niin tämäkin trendi. Toivotetaan Unwoke.hr Suomi tervetulleeksi.'

https://oikeamedia.com/o1-141614
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3fzT963PgKw&feature=youtu.be

[Alabama]

Red Bullilta ei herunut tukea BLM:lle.

Ei heru tukea myöskään Merkelin rajojen avaamiselle:


Red Bullin Dieter Mateschitz huhtikuussa 2017:

,,Ich glaube nicht, dass es ein klarer Ausdruck politischen Willens war, die Grenzen unkontrolliert offen zu lassen. Man hat aus Angst und politischer Opportunität so entschieden. Schon damals war für jedermann erkennbar, dass der Großteil der Menschen nicht der Definition des Flüchtlings entsprach. Jedenfalls nicht der der Genfer Konvention. ... Man muss von Anfang an richtig und vorausdenkend entscheiden. Würde man in einem Unternehmen Fehlentscheidungen dieser Tragweite treffen, wäre man in Kürze pleite".

https://www.achgut.com/artikel/einer_flog_uebers_kuckucksnest
(Alkuperäinen juttu Kleine Zeitungissa maksumuurin takana)

En usko siihen, että rajojen hallitsematon avaaminen oli poliittisen tahdon selkeä osoitus. Päätös tehtiin pelon ja poliittisen opportunismin ajamana. Jo tuolloin oli jokaisen nähtävissä, että suurin osa näistä ihmisistä ei vastannut pakolaisen määritelmää. Ainakaan Genfin sopimuksen mukaista. ... Alusta asti on tehtävä päätökset oikein ja ennakoiden. Mikäli yrityksessä tehtäisiin näin laajakantoisia virheellisiä päätöksiä, olisi yritys nopeasti konkurssissa.

[Alabama]

Dieter Mateschitzilla on BLM- ja avoimet rajat-agendojen kritiikin ohella muitakin järkeviä mielipiteitä. Itävallan hallituksen toimeenpanemaa korona-shutdownia ja siihen liittyviä yritysten tukitoimenpiteitä Mateschitz kuvaa seuraavasti:

,,Mir kommt das so vor, als ob mir jemand ins Knie schießt, um mir dann einen Kredit für die Operationskosten anzubieten."

https://www.derboersianer.com/2020/04/coronakrise-shutdown-fuer-mateschitz-schuss-ins-knie/

"Minusta tuntuu ihan siltä kuin että joku ampuisi minua polveen siitä syystä, että voisi tarjota minulle sen jälkeen lainan kattamaan leikkauksesta koituneet kulut."

[zupi]

Päivän Sowell-pläjäys... Tällä kertaa kyseessä Sowellin 2005 kirjoittama kirja "Black Rednecks and White Liberals", ja nimenomaan kirjan ensimmäinen, "nimikko-osio". Tuossa Sowell tuo esiin näkemyksen, että nykyinen amerikkalainen "musta identiteetti" ja kulttuuri on itse asiassa jäänne Englannin pohjoisosissa aikanaan vallinneesta, piittaamattomasta ja väkivaltaisesta "cracker" kulttuurista. Näistä Englannin osista saapui suuri osa USA:n eteläosien (toisin kuin pohjoisosien) uudisasukkaista, tuoden cracker kulttuurin mukanaan, mikä USAssa tuli tunnetuksi punaniskakulttuurina. Tämä sama kulttuuri siirtyi siis samalla tavoin myös kyseisille seuduille tuoduille / eläneille mustille, olivat sitten orjia tai vapautettuja.

Sekä valkoisilla että mustilla kyseinen ikävä kulttuuri oli Sowellin mukaan jo pikku hiljaa häviämässä, mutta "valkoisten liberaalien" johdolla "cracker-kulttuurista" tehtiin 1960-luvulta alkaen se ainoa oikea "musta identiteetti" / kulttuuri, tunnetuin seurauksin. Sowellin mukaan suurin syy mustien nykyiseen tilanteeseen USA:ssa on siis erityisesti suurkaupunkien köyhien mustien keskuudessa vallitseva kulttuuri, jota liberaalit mätäkraatit ovat ihannoineet, vaalineet ja pitäneet yllä viimeiset 50 vuotta. Sowell ei tuossa väitä mitään asioita sinänsä varmoiksi, mutta hänen keräämä, esitettyä näkemystä tukeva aineisto on varsin vakuuttava. Jokainen tehköön omat johtopäätöksensä.

Kirja on siis kirjoitettu 15 vuotta sitten, mutta resonoi aika perkeleen hyvin viime aikaisten BLM-perseilyjen kanssa. Piti alun perin ottaa vain "joitakin" lainauksia tuosta kirjan vajaan 70 sivun mittaisesta nimikko-osiosta, mutta vähän pääsi paisumaan. Kun on niin mielenkiintoista settiä. En oikein tiedä, miten lainaussäännöt kirjojen kohdalla oikein menevät, ylläpito leikannee turhat läskit pois, jos tähän on tarvetta.

Tuon nyt käsitellyn osion lisäksi kirjassa käsitellään mm. juutalaisten, orjuuden (yleisesti ottaen), saksalaisten ja (vielä tarkemmin) mustien koulutuksen historiaa.

These people are creating a terrible problem in our cities. They can't or won't hold a job, they flout the law constantly and neglect their children, they drink too much and their moral standards would shame an alley cat. For some reason or other, they absolutely refuse to accommodate themselves to any kind of decent, civilized life.

THIS WAS SAID IN 1956 IN INDIANAPOLIS, not about blacks or other minorities, but about poor whites from the South. Nor was Indianapolis unique in this respect. A 1951 survey in Detroit found that white Southerners living there were considered "undesirable" by 21 percent of those surveyed, compared to 13 percent who ranked blacks the same way.

Most of the common white people of the South came from the northern borderlands of England—for centuries a no-man's land between Scotland and England—as well as from the Scottish highlands and from Ulster County, Ireland.

In earlier centuries, Scotland was a poor and backward country, like Wales and Ireland—and like the turbulent northern borderlands of England, where the Scots and the English fought wars and committed atrocities against each other for centuries.

These were the parts of Britain from which most people migrated to the American South, before the political and cultural unification of the British Isles or the standardization of the English language. The rednecks of these regions were what one social historian has called "some of the most disorderly inhabitants of a deeply disordered land."15

What the rednecks or crackers brought with them across the ocean was a whole constellation of attitudes, values, and behavior patterns that might have made sense in the world in which they had lived for centuries, but which would prove to be counterproductive in the world to which they were going—and counterproductive to the blacks who would live in their midst for centuries before emerging into freedom and migrating to the great urban centers of the United States, taking with them similar values.

The cultural values and social patterns prevalent among Southern whites included an aversion to work,16 proneness to violence,17 neglect of education,18 sexual promiscuity,19, improvidence, 20 drunkenness,21 lack of entrepreneurship,22 reckless searches for excitement,23 lively music and dance,24 and a style of religious oratory marked by strident rhetoric, unbridled emotions, and flamboyant imagery.25

Centuries before "black pride" became a fashionable phrase, there was cracker pride—and it was very much the same kind of pride. It was not pride in any particular achievement or set of behavioral standards or moral principles adhered to. It was instead a touchiness about anything that might be even remotely construed as a personal slight, much less an insult, combined with a willingness to erupt into violence over it.

What is crucial is that violence growing out of such pride had social approval.

Nuo edellä mainitut seikat osuvat kyllä aika lailla omaan käsitykseeni siitä, minkälaista "mustaa identiteettiä" USA:ssa nykyisin vaalitaan vasurien toimesta. Ja tietenkin kaikella mustien välisellä, kuten myös mustien muihin rotuihin kohdistamalla väkivallalla, on tietynlainen "hiljainen" sosiaalinen hyväksyntä, mikä näkyy erityisesti siinä, että näitä asioita ei nosteta esiin / niistä vaietaan, eikä ongelmia pyritä ratkomaan millään järkevällä tavalla. Resonoi aika hyvin Suomen tilanteeseen tiettyjen matu-ryhmien kohdalla.

The violence for which white Southerners became most lastingly notorious was lynching. Like other aspects of the redneck and cracker culture, it has often been attributed to race or slavery. In fact, however, most lynching victims in the antebellum South were white.54

Comments on the lack of enterprise by Southern whites were made by numerous observers in various parts of the South. In Alexis de Tocqueville's classic Democracy in America, he contrasted the attitudes toward work among Southern and Northern whites as being so great as to be visible to the casual observer sailing down the Ohio River and comparing the Ohio side with the Kentucky side.82 (...)

Again, it is necessary to emphasize that the culture which Southerners brought over from the parts of Britain from which they came changed in Britain in the years after they left. But all this happened after the ancestors of rednecks and crackers had immigrated to the American South from the outer regions of British society, rather than from central England.

(...) As late as the First World War, white soldiers from Georgia, Arkansas, Kentucky, and Mississippi scored lower on mental tests than black soldiers from Ohio, Illinois, New York, and Pennsylvania.119

The kinds of statistical disparities found between Southern whites and Northern whites in the past are today often taken as evidence or proof of racial discrimination when such disparities are found between the black and white populations of the country as a whole, while others have taken such disparities as signs of genetic deficiencies. Yet clearly neither racial discrimination nor racial inferiority can explain similar differences between whites in the North and the South in earlier centuries.121 This should at least raise questions about such explanations when applied to blacks of a later era who inherited the culture of white Southerners.

In that era, fornication and rape were acts severely punished in New England. Rape was a hanging offense in New England, while in the Chesapeake Bay colonies it was sometimes punished less severely than petty theft.127

BLACK REDNECKS

Much of the cultural pattern of Southern rednecks became the cultural heritage of Southern blacks, more so than survivals of African cultures, with which they had not been in contact for centuries. (Even in colonial times, most blacks on American soil had been born on American soil.) Moreover, such cultural traits followed blacks out of the Southern countrysides and into the urban ghettos— North and South—where many settled. The very way of talking, later to be christened "black English," closely followed dialects brought over from those parts of Britain from which many white Southerners came, though these speech patterns died out in Britain while surviving in the American South,143 as such speech patterns would later die out among most Southern whites and among middle-class blacks, while surviving in the poorer black ghettos around the country.

(...) another study of racial attitudes noted "the intimidating ethnic style of many underclass black males,"160 and noted that nearly half of all murder victims in America were black, and that 94 percent of them were killed by other blacks.161 Many of these killings were due to gang members who killed for such reasons as "Cause he look at me funny," "Cause he give me no respect,"162 and other reasons reminiscent of the touchy pride and hair-trigger violence of rednecks and crackers in an earlier era.

The neglect and disdain of education found among antebellum white Southerners has been echoed not only in low performance levels among ghetto blacks but perhaps most dramatically in a hostility toward those black students who are conscientious about their studies, who are accused of "acting white"—a charge that can bring anything from social ostracism to outright violence.163 So much attention has been paid to questions of ability that few have looked at cultural attitudes. One of those who has is black professor and best-selling author Shelby Steele, who "sees in many of these children almost a determination not to learn," even though, once outside the school and in their own neighborhoods, "these same children learn everything."164

While it has long been known that, historically, the average IQ of blacks has been about 85, compared to a national average of 100, what has not been so widely known is that the average IQ of blacks in the North was for years consistently higher than that of blacks in the South.168 (...) From that same era, European immigrants from cultures where education was not a high priority for ordinary people—parts of Eastern and Southern Europe, for example—scored no higher on mental tests than American blacks170 and, in some communities, their children scored lower than Northern black children attending the same schools.171

In short, some kinds of cultures tend to produce lower mental test scores, whether the people in those cultures are black or white, American or European.173 As someone has aptly said: "The tests are not unfair. Life is unfair and the tests measure the results."

In business-ownership, as in other ways, the pattern among black Americans has followed the pattern of rednecks in earlier times, with people from other groups owning most of the businesses in black neighborhoods. Some may try to explain the lack of locally-owned businesses in the ghettos by racial discrimination or poverty but, as early as the 1920s, there were numerous blackowned businesses in Harlem—the majority of which were owned by blacks from the Caribbean, not blacks from the American South, who were the majority population of Harlem.174

With blacks as with whites, the redneck culture has been a less achieving culture. Moreover, that culture has affected a higher proportion of the black population than of the white population, since only about one-third of all whites lived in the antebellum South, while nine-tenths of all blacks did.

From the 1960s onward, much of the transplanted Southern culture would—like "black English"—be seen as sacrosanct features of a distinctive black "identity," despite their mirroring very similar cultural patterns among Southern whites in times past. Not all black Americans, of course, retained this anachronistic culture, for the spread of education and the growing experience of the counterproductive effects of the Southern redneck way of life eroded it over time for many blacks, as happened also among the whites who brought this culture over from Britain.

The burgeoning of the American welfare state in the second half of the twentieth century and the declining effectiveness of the American criminal justice system at the same time allowed borrowed and counterproductive cultural traits to continue and flourish among those blacks who had not yet moved beyond that culture, thereby prolonging the life of a chaotic, counterproductive, dangerous, and self-destructive subculture in many urban ghettos.

Crime and violence were among the features of this subculture that were artificially prolonged. (...)

White liberals, instead of comparing what has happened to the black family since the liberal welfare state policies of the 1960s were put into practice, compare black families to white families and conclude that the higher rates of broken homes and unwed motherhood among blacks are due to "a legacy of slavery." But why the large-scale disintegration of the black family should have begun a hundred years after slavery is left unexplained.

A wholly disproportionate share of future black leaders came out of the schools and colleges established by New Englanders in the South, not even counting Oberlin College or Dunbar High School. These alumni of institutions founded as New England enclaves in the South included W. E. B. Du Bois, James Weldon Johnson, Langston Hughes, Walter White, Mary McLeod Bethune, A. Philip Randolph, James Farmer, Thurgood Marshall, and Martin Luther King Jr.211 In addition to these individuals from these Southern institutions, the first black man to graduate from Annapolis, the first black woman to earn a Ph.D., the first black general, the first black Cabinet member, and the first black federal judge all came from the same public high school—Dunbar High School in Washington, with its culturally New England-educated principals in its formative years.

Such concentrations of black pioneers and leaders in a few highly atypical cultural enclaves suggests that their achievements were not solely a matter of individual ability—"cream rising to the top"—but were also a result of a culture very unlike that in which most blacks were raised and educated. However much the achievements of these individuals have been celebrated, the culture behind those achievements has not been. Today, the culture that is celebrated in much of the media and in the schools is not the culture that succeeded, but the culture that has failed—the black redneck culture. When white couples who adopt black children are warned to be sure to put those children in touch with their "cultural heritage," all too often that means the black redneck culture.

The point here is that cultural differences led to striking socioeconomic differences among blacks, as they did among whites. In both races, those who lived within the redneck culture lagged far behind those who did not. (...)

Tuossa Sowell siis tuo esiin, että etelän mustat menestyivät elämässään oikein hyvin, kun heidän koulutuksestaan huolehti pohjoisesta tullut hieman sivistyneempi väki. New Englandiin uudisasukkaat olivat siis saapuneet ihan eri osista Englantia kuin etelään saapuneet, ja heidän kulttuurinsa poikkesi selvästi etelän punaniskakulttuurista. Heidän järjestämä koulutus etelän mustille oli ehkä nykyliberaalien mielestä jotenkin vääränlaista, mutta tuloksia syntyi. Kasvoipa sieltä eräs kansalaisoikeustaistelijakin.

That internal social barriers within the black community became more pronounced at the same time as white barriers against blacks in general suggests that more than coincidence was involved, since both occurred in the wake of the mass arrival of black rednecks from the South.

(...) In Detroit, blacks who had been denied the vote in 1850 were voting in the 1880s, and in the 1890s blacks were being elected to public office by a predominantly white electorate in Michigan. The black upper class in Detroit at that time had regular social interactions with whites and their children attended high schools and colleges with whites. In Illinois during this same era, legal restrictions on access to public accommodations for blacks were removed from the law, even though there were not enough black voters at the time to influence public policy, so that this represented changes in white public opinion.237

By all indications, Northern black urban communities were themselves becoming cleaner, safer, and more orderly during this era of improving race relations, so changes in white public opinion were not merely inexplicable mood swings. Neither were the later retrogressions in race relations in the North which followed a massive influx of black migrants from the South—black rednecks—at the beginning of the twentieth century. As late as 1890, ninetenths of all blacks in the United States still lived in the South, but those who lived in northern urban communities were largely from families long settled there. Most blacks living in New York State, for example, were born in New York State. In short, there were settled communities in both regions, and by all indications the Northern black communities at that time were acculturating to the norms of the Northern white society around them. But all of that changed radically within a relatively few years, as massive migrations from the South not only enlarged Northern black communities but transformed them culturally.

Enpä itse kyllä tiennyt, että pohjoisosissa tasa-arvo oli edennyt jo noin pitkälle ennen 1900-lukua. Mutta sitten tulikin takapakkia.

The sheer numbers of these new black migrants from the South not only overwhelmed the relatively small black populations in Northern cities demographically in the early twentieth century, their very different behavior patterns shocked both blacks and whites at the time, as witnessed by adverse comments from earlier black settlers and the black press, denouncing the new arrivals from the South as vulgar, rowdy, unwashed, and criminal.241 Nor were these conclusions without foundation. For example, a study in early twentieth century Pennsylvania found that the rate of violent crimes by blacks who had migrated there was nearly five times the rate of such crimes by blacks born in Pennsylvania.242 In Washington, the rate of births out of wedlock more than doubled with a large influx of Southern blacks during the late nineteenth century.243

One indication of the white reaction was that blacks no longer remained as free to live in white neighborhoods. This represented a major retrogression in race relations.(...)

(...)New York, Philadelphia, and Washington were also cities which began to restrict blacks to ghettoes only after the massive influx of Southern blacks and their redneck culture.246 In many cities, blacks were prevented from moving into existing white neighborhoods but, in other cases, whites simply moved out when blacks moved in. Harlem, the first of the great Northern black ghettoes, was still predominantly white as late as 1910.247

However much these migrations set back those blacks who were already living in Northern cities, this movement from the South put millions of blacks into places where their children would get better education, while their parents had better job opportunities. With the passing years and generations, more and more of these migrant families ceased to be black rednecks, acculturating themselves in new surroundings, as minority groups tend to do in countries around the world. Once again, racial barriers began to erode after World War II—and before the civil rights legislation of the 1960s.

The process of ending racial segregation in American military services was also begun during the Truman administration, years before segregation was declared unlawful in civilian life. In 1948, President Harry Truman ran for re-election on a platform that included civil rights for blacks, which some thought would doom his candidacy, but the fact that he won suggests that white public opinion had already begun to change. The Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965 dealt major blows to racial restrictions, especially in the South, and had dramatic effects on the number of black elected officials. Economically, however, the upward trends in black income and occupations that had begun decades earlier simply continued, but at no accelerated rate. The rise of blacks into professional and other high-level occupations was in fact greater in the years preceding the Civil Rights Act of 1964 than in the years afterward,262 and was greater in the 1940s than in the 1950s.263 Behind such developments was the fact that blacks were closing the gap between themselves and whites in years of schooling during this era.264

In short, major social transformations within the black community were having an impact in their economic condition. It would hardly be surprising if it also had an impact on how whites viewed blacks, as had happened in the nineteenth century. The civil rights legislation of the 1960s may well have been an effect of the rise of blacks, rather than the sole or predominant cause of that rise, as it has been represented as being, by those leaders— black and white—with incentives to magnify their own role in racial progress.

Tässäkin Sowell siis tuo esiin, että mustien tilanne USAssa oli kuitenkin jo taas parantunut merkittävästi 40-luvulta lähtien, ja 60-luvun lakimuutokset olivat luultavasti seurausta tästä kehityksestä. Vaikkakin vasurit uskottelevat, että kaikki kehitys alkoi kansalaisoikeuslaista ja tämän jälkeen tulleista "tasa-arvo-ohjelmista". Eli nyt päästäänkin sitten varsinaisiin roistoihin. Samalla tämä alkaakin resonoimaan oikein kunnolla viime aikaisten BLM-perseilyjen kanssa. Ja tämä on kirjoitettu siis 15 vuotta sitten...

WHITE LIBERALS

White liberals in many roles—as intellectuals, politicians, celebrities, judges, teachers—have aided and abetted the perpetuation of a counterproductive and self-destructive lifestyle among black rednecks. The welfare state has made it economically possible to avoid many of the painful consequences of this lifestyle that forced previous generations of blacks and whites to move away from the redneck culture and its values. Lax law enforcement has enabled the violent and criminal aspects of this culture to persist, and non-judgmental intellectual trends have enabled it to escape moral condemnation. As far back as 1901, W. E. B. Du Bois, while complaining of racial discrimination against blacks, also condemned "indiscriminate charity" for its bad effects within the black community. 265 In a later era, the burgeoning welfare state, especially since the 1960s, has spread an indiscriminate charity—in both money and attitudes—that has given the black redneck culture a new lease on life.

Intellectuals have been particularly prominent among those who have turned the black redneck culture into a sacrosanct symbol of racial identity. This includes both black and white intellectuals, though the latter predominate numerically and in terms of influence through the media and academia. Intellectuals have promoted misconceptions of history, misreadings of contemporary life, and counterproductive notions of how to prepare for the future.

By projecting a vision of a world in which the problems of blacks are consequences of the actions of whites, either immediately or in times past, white liberals have provided a blanket excuse for shortcomings and even crimes by blacks. The very possibility of any internal cultural sources of the problems of blacks have been banished from consideration by the fashionable phrase "blaming the victim." But no one can be blamed for being born into a culture that evolved in centuries past, even though moving beyond such a culture may do more for future advancement than blaming others or seeking special dispensations.

Blaming Others

Blaming others for anything in which blacks lag has become standard operating procedure among white liberals. If blacks do not pass bar exams or medical board tests as often as whites or Asians, then that shows that something is wrong with those tests, as far as many white liberals are concerned. Best-selling author Andrew Hacker, for example, says that academic problems in general are created for black students in white colleges because such colleges use curricula that "are white in logic and learning, in their conceptions of scholarly knowledge and demeanor."266 Why this does not seem to be a problem for Asian students remains unexplained, even though blacks have lived in this white society for centuries longer than either Asian Americans or contemporary immigrants from Asia. Why it is not a problem for blacks from the Caribbean is another unexplained contradiction of such white liberal excuses for American-born blacks.

If black attorneys are not elevated to partnerships in law firms in proportion to their numbers, then to the New York Times this shows, in the words of their front page headline: "Law Firms are Slow in Promoting Minority Lawyers to Partner Role."267 Apparently there can only be external reasons for anything negative that happens to blacks. According to Andrew Hacker, the fact that white taxi drivers often pass up black males seeking a ride, especially at night, shows these drivers to be "patently racist"268—even though black taxi drivers do the same, in order to avoid becoming victims of crime.269

White liberals long denied that there were higher crime rates among blacks by pointing to the imperfections of crime statistics in general or, more specifically, claiming that blacks are simply arrested more often for things that whites would not be arrested for. (...)

In some white liberal circles—the New York Times, for example— the police are almost automatically at fault in confrontations with black criminals, hoodlums, or rioters. When the police arrive on a scene of crime or violence in black communities, whatever they do is likely to be categorized later as either having let the situation get out of hand or as having used excessive force.

One of the reactions of the police to such predictable scapegoating in the media has been to "de-police" some of the most violent black neighborhoods, looking the other way rather than risk seeing a whole career ruined by media charges of racism. This gives criminals, hoodlums and rioters a freer hand—at the expense of law-abiding blacks, who may be the great majority, even in a high-crime neighborhood. There is evidence that this is in fact what happens after a barrage of adverse media coverage against the police.270

After the U.S. Supreme Court struck down some racially gerrymandered congressional districts, forcing some black members of Congress to run in districts where most voters were white, New York Times columnist Anthony Lewis said, "the reality in the South is that black men and women, however well qualified, have little chance of winning in white districts." 271 But these Southern black candidates were in fact re-elected.

The fact that black rednecks exhibit the same hostility and violence toward other minorities long associated with bigoted white rednecks in the South presents white liberals with another challenge to find a way to evade the obvious. Black anti-Semitism, for example, is not recognized by Andrew Hacker, who claims that "no one really knows if blacks and whites differ markedly in their feelings about Jews"—despite survey after survey showing greater hostility to Jews among blacks.272 Black hostility to other minorities, such as the Koreans, has likewise often been ignored by such liberal publications as the New York Times273 or even defined out of existence by a variety of white liberal writers on grounds that racism requires power, which blacks do not have.

Following that logic, Nazis were not anti-Semites until they gained control of the German government and the Ku Klux Klan today would not be called racist any more because it has lost the power it once had. (...)

Tuleeko jollain muuten mieleen joku toinen maa, missä vasurit ajattelevat, että "vallattomassa" vähemmistössä ei voi olla rasisteja...

What blacks can do for themselves has not only been of lesser interest, much of what blacks have in fact already done for themselves has been overshadowed by liberal attempts to get them special dispensations—whether affirmative action, reparations for slavery, or other race-based benefits—even when the net effect of these dispensations has been much less than the effects of blacks' own self-advancement. (...)

Misconceptions of History

Many of the prevailing misconceptions of the histories of both blacks and whites in America derive from trying to amalgamate morality and causation, so as to make the moral evil of slavery a causal explanation of contemporary negative social phenomena which have in fact had entirely different historical bases. (....) When discussing both blacks and Southern whites, slavery has served as an all-purpose explanation of many social phenomena, ranging from broken families to poor education, lower labor force participation rates, and high rates of crime and violence. Often evidence has been neither asked for nor given. Not surprisingly, many of these explanations do not stand up under scrutiny. Census data, for example, show that labor force participation rates were higher among non-whites than among whites in 1920 and 1930.281

No matter what the origin of counterproductive behavior, such behavior must be changed if progress is the goal. On the other hand, if the real agenda is to score points against American society, then blacks can be used as a means to that end. More generally, a pro-black stance by white intellectuals enhances the latter's moral standing and self-esteem, whether or not the particular manifestation of that stance helps or harms blacks on net balance. The chafing restrictions of civilization, which can at times become irksome to people of any color, may be vicariously thrown off by those white intellectuals who cheer on outlandish and even lawless behavior by black hoodlums or entertainers. Blacks in effect become the mascots of these intellectuals, symbolizing and acting out the latter's resistance to "society"—or, more accurately, civilization.282 But, while mascots may be indulged, more fundamentally mascots exist for the sake of those who adopt them, and the actual well-being of the mascot is seldom a high priority. By cheering on counterproductive attitudes, making excuses for self-defeating behavior, and promoting the belief that "racism" accounts for most of blacks' problems, white intellectuals serve their own psychic, ideological, and political interests. They are the kinds of friends who can do more harm than enemies.

A crucial fact about white liberals must be kept in mind: They are not simply in favor of blacks in general. Their solicitude is poured out for blacks as victims, blacks as welfare mothers, criminals, political activists against the larger society, as well as those blacks who serve as general counter-cultural symbols against the larger society. White liberals have nothing approaching the same interest in blacks as the principal victims of black criminals or as people advancing themselves within the existing framework of American society, including many who have risen within the military, nor do they get particularly worked up over blacks who build up their own human capital or business capital. None of the many reports of black schools that excel academically seems to arouse any great interest among white liberals. It was not the liberals in Washington, but the Reagan administration, which offered successful black educator Marva Collins an appointment as Secretary of Education.

The "Identity" Fetish

Intellectuals in the 1960s began promoting the idea that those blacks who exhibited a culture different from the ghetto or black redneck culture were not "really" authentic blacks. (...)

The notion that the ghetto black was the authentic black not only spread among both white and black intellectuals, it had social repercussions far beyond the intellectual community. Rooting black identity in a counterproductive culture not only reduced incentives to move beyond that culture, it cut off those within that culture from other blacks who had advanced beyond it, who might otherwise have been sources of examples, knowledge, and experience that could have been useful to those less fortunate. But more successful blacks were increasingly depicted as either irrelevant non-members of the black community or even as traitors to it. In turn, this meant that many blacks who had a wider cultural exposure and greater socioeconomic success felt a need to conform, to some degree or another, to a more narrow ghetto view of the world, perhaps using ghetto language, in order to prove their "identity" with their own race.

(...)

The painful irony is that those who make this accusation are themselves "acting white" when they perpetuate a redneck culture from a bygone era. Even such a modern ghetto creation as gangsta rap echoes the violence, arrogance, loose sexuality, and self-dramatization common for centuries in white redneck culture, and speaks in exaggerated cadences common in the oratory of rednecks in both the antebellum South and those parts of Britain from which their ancestors came.284

It is not only the cultural peculiarities of the black ghetto culture which has been perpetuated by the identity fetish developed in the post-1960s era. What has also been promoted has been a conformity of beliefs and affirmations among blacks, with those with different viewpoints being banished from consideration intellectually and ostracized socially—at least in so far as "identity" advocates succeed in imposing their straitjacket on others. (...)

This post-1960s black identity intolerance—promoted by white intellectuals as well as black leaders and activists—is a painful parallel to the post-1830s intolerance among white Southerners against anyone who questioned slavery in any way. Maintaining what has been aptly called an "intellectual blockade" 285 against ideas differing from those prevailing in the South, antebellum Southerners not only insulated themselves from ideas and viewpoints originating outside the region but, at the same time, in effect drove out of the South independent-minded people who would not march in lockstep. The resulting narrow and unquestioning conformity of that era led the South into the blind alley of a Civil War that devastated wide sections of the region and left a legacy of bitterness that lasted for generations. It can only be hoped that today's narrow intolerance promoted by a black identity fetish will not lead into similarly disastrous blind alleys.

SUMMARY AND IMPLICATIONS

The counterproductive redneck culture that eroded away over the generations, among both whites and blacks, has been rescued after the 1960s by a "multicultural" ideology that has made this residual survival among ghetto blacks a sacrosanct badge of racial identity, not to be tampered with by teachers or criticized by others, under pain of being labeled "racist." It should also be noted that both cultural transformations within the South and a large return migration of blacks to the South in the late twentieth century make the redneck culture no longer a regional phenomenon but a largely urban ghetto phenomenon, North and South, with a certain amount of outward diffusion, to middle class black youngsters especially.

In short, cultural differences have had a major economic and social impact. Despite a tendency to attribute black-white differences in the United States to "a legacy of slavery," blacks from the West Indies also had a history of enslavement but brought with them to the United States a very different culture that was reflected in such things as differences from the native-born black population in entrepreneurship, education, and imprisonment rates. In short, what the two groups of blacks shared was a history of enslavement but what they did not share was the redneck culture. The disproportionate number of prominent blacks who came out of small enclaves of transplanted New England culture in the South likewise underscores the impact of cultural differences.

(...) Alternative explanations of economic and social lags provide a more satisfying ability to blame all such lags on the sins of others, such as racism or discrimination. Equally important, such external explanations require no painful internal changes in the black population but leave all changes to whites, who are seen as needing to be harangued, threatened, or otherwise forced to change.

In short, prevailing explanations provide an alibi for those who lag—and an alibi is for many an enormously valuable asset that they are unlikely to give up easily. (...)

Those who provide black rednecks with alibis do no favor to them, to other blacks, or to the larger society in which we all live. In American society, achievement is what ultimately brings respect, including self-respect. Only for those who have written off blacks' potential for achievement will alibis be an acceptable substitute. The liberal vision of blacks' fate as being almost wholly in the hands of whites is a debilitating message for those blacks who take it seriously, however convenient it may be for those who are receptive to an alibi.

Whether black redneck values and lifestyle are a lineal descendant of white redneck values and lifestyle, as suggested here, or a social phenomenon arising independently within the black community and only coincidentally similar, it is still a way of life that has been tested before and found wanting, as shown by its erosion over the generations among whites who experienced its counterproductive consequences. By making black redneck behavior a sacrosanct part of black cultural identity, white liberals and others who excuse, celebrate, or otherwise perpetuate that lifestyle not only preserve it among that fraction of the black population which has not yet escaped from it, but have contributed to its spread up the social scale to middle class black young people who feel a need to be true to their racial identity, lest they be thought to be "acting white." It is the spread of a social poison, however much either black or white intellectuals try to pretty it up or try to find some deeper meaning in it.

Pistetään tähän vielä kirjan päätöskappale, ihan toisesta osiosta siis.

Where beliefs are not checked against facts, but instead facts must meet the test of consonance with the prevailing vision, we are in the process of sealing ourselves off from feedback from reality. Heedless of the past, we are flying blind into the future.

Mikäköhän muuten olisi ollut seuraus, jos valkoinen olisi kirjoittanut tuollaisen kirjan... Sowell on ihonvärinsä lisäksi myös muun taustansa puolesta sellainen tapaus, että vihavasemmiston on vähän vaikea hyökätä hänen kimppuunsa. Ja mitään faktoihin pohjautuvia vasta-argumentteja heillä ei tietenkään tunnu olevan. Sowellin kohdalla lieneekin käynyt niin, kuten tällaisissa tapauksia yleensä. Kun ei mitään todellisia vasta-argumentteja ole, eikä itse henkilön kimppuun voi hyökätä kovin vahvasti, niin kyseinen henkilö ja hänen näkemyksensä sitten vain jätetään kokonaan huomioimatta / henkilö "vaietaan kuoliaaksi". USA:ssa tuo elämässään ansioituneiden mustien konservatiivien "hautaaminen" on mahdollisesti vähän yleisempääkin:

https://torontosun.com/2017/08/11/the-shameful-blackout-of-thomas-sowell-and-williams/wcm/ddea2209-de54-4dbb-84a9-2aab20845428

[Faidros.]

Aijaijai! Koskahan joku puolestaloukkaantuja mainitsee Kimi Räikkösen mustasta hengityssuojasta? Siinä kun on kilpailunumeron lisäksi kauhia Maltanristi, joka näyttää pahasti Natsisaksan korkeimmalta kunnimerkiltä!

[zupi]

Ja taas hieman Sowellia... Edelleen kirjasta "Black Rednecks and White Liberals". Tällä kertaa kuitenkin osiosta, joka käsittelee orjuuden (todellista) historiaa maailmanlaajuisesti. Suuri osa asioista lienee Hommalaisille entuudestaan tuttuja, mutta Sowell osaa kääräistä tuon asian kivaan pakettiin. Kannattaa myös muistaa, että Sowell kirjoitti tuon kirjan jo vuonna 2005. Laitoin tämän nyt BLM-ketjuun, kun kyseinen liike on nostanut länsimaisen kulttuurin hirveän historian yhdeksi pääteemakseen.

The Real History of Slavery

SLAVERY WAS AN EVIL OF GREATER SCOPE and magnitude than most people imagine and, as a result, its place in history is radically different from the way it is usually portrayed. Mention slavery and immediately the image that arises is that of Africans and their descendants enslaved by Europeans and their descendants in the Southern United States—or, at most, Africans enslaved by Europeans in the Western Hemisphere. No other historic horror is so narrowly construed. (...)

Why this provincial view of a worldwide evil? Often it is those who are most critical of a "Eurocentric" view of the world who are most Eurocentric when it comes to the evils and failings of the human race. Why would anyone wish to arbitrarily understate an evil that plagued mankind for thousands of years, unless it was not this evil itself that was the real concern, but rather the present-day uses of that historic evil? Clearly, the ability to score ideological points against American society or Western civilization, or to induce guilt and thereby extract benefits from the white population today, are greatly enhanced by making enslavement appear to be a peculiarly American, or a peculiarly white, crime.

It takes no more research than a trip to almost any public library or college library to show the incredibly lopsided coverage of slavery in the United States or in the Western Hemisphere, as compared to the meager writings on the even larger number of Africans enslaved in the Islamic countries of the Middle East and North Africa, not to mention the vast numbers of Europeans also enslaved in centuries past in the Islamic world and within Europe itself. (...)

During the Middle Ages, Slavs were so widely used as slaves in both Europe and the Islamic world that the very word "slave" derived from the word for Slav—not only in English, but also in other European languages, as well as in Arabic.4 Nor have Asians or Polynesians been exempt from either being enslaved or enslaving others. China in centuries past has been described as "one of the largest and most comprehensive markets for the exchange of human beings in the world"5 Slavery was also common in India, where it has been estimated that there were more slaves than in the entire Western Hemisphere—and where the original Thugs kidnapped children for the purpose of enslavement.6 In some of the cities of Southeast Asia, slaves were a majority of the population.7 Slavery was also an established institution in the Western Hemisphere before Columbus' ships ever appeared on the horizon. The Ottoman Empire regularly enslaved a percentage of the young boys from the Balkans, converted them to Islam and assigned them to various duties in the civil or military establishment.8

RACE AND SLAVERY

The instrumental use of the history of slavery today also underlies the claim that slavery grew out of racism. For most of its long history, which includes most of the history of the human race, slavery was largely not the enslavement of racially different people, for the simple reason that only in recent centuries has either the technology or the wealth existed to go to another continent to get slaves and transport them en masse across an ocean. People were enslaved because they were vulnerable, not because of how they looked. The peoples of the Balkans were enslaved by fellow Europeans, as well as by the peoples of the Middle East, for at least six centuries before the first African was brought to the Western Hemisphere.9

Before the modern era, by and large Europeans enslaved other Europeans, Asians enslaved other Asians, Africans enslaved other Africans, and the indigenous peoples of the Western Hemisphere enslaved other indigenous peoples of the Western Hemisphere. Slavery was not based on race, much less on theories about race. Only relatively late in history did enslavement across racial lines occur on such a scale as to promote an ideology of racism that outlasted the institution of slavery itself.

Wherever a separate people were enslaved, they were disdained or despised, whether they were different by country, religion, caste, race, or tribe. The Europeans who were enslaved in North Africa were despised and abused because they were Christians in a Moslem region of the world,10 where they were called "Christian dogs." Race became the most visible difference between slaves and slaveowners in the Western Hemisphere. As distinguished historian Daniel J. Boorstin put it: "Now for the first time in Western history, the status of slave coincided with a difference of race."11 To make racism the driving force behind slavery is to make a historically recent factor the cause of an institution which originated thousands of years earlier. This enshrinement of racism as an over-arching causal factor accords far more with current instrumental agendas than with history.

The form in which the story of slavery has reached most people today has been along the lines of the best-selling book and widely-watched television mini-series, Roots by Alex Haley. Challenged on the historical accuracy of Roots, Haley said: "I tried to give my people a myth to live by."12 (...)

Niin, mitäpä sitä faktoilla pilaamaan hyvää fiktiota, vaikka periaatteessa olisi tositapahtumia tarkoitus kuvata.

Rather than debate current ideological agendas, we can try to determine what we can about the actual history of slavery, including how it ended. No institution of comparable age and worldwide scope has ever disappeared, over almost the entire planet, leaving so little awareness of how and why it vanished or so little interest in that question. (...)

How and why did slavery end in most of the world? There were two major processes. Over the centuries, as more and more territories around the world consolidated into nation states with their own armies and navies, raiding those territories to capture and enslave the people who lived within them became more hazardous in itself and also risked military retaliation against the countries from which the raiders came. Thus more and more peoples became off-limits to slave-raiders over time. Put differently, the areas which remained subject to slave raiding over the centuries were primarily those where the people lived in smaller or weaker societies. Such societies continued to exist where it was difficult, for geographic or other reasons, to consolidate large areas under one government. This was true of the Balkans, the backwaters of Asia, and much of sub-Saharan Africa. By the early modern era, sub-Saharan Africa with its numerous and severe geographic handicaps13 was one of the last remaining areas from which vast numbers of people could be enslaved.

Far from being targeted by Europeans for racial reasons, as some have claimed, Africa was resorted to as a source of large supplies of slaves only after centuries of Europeans enslaving other Europeans had been brought to an end by the consolidation of nations and empires on the European continent, by internal shifts from slavery to serfdom in much of Europe, and by the Catholic Church's pressures against enslaving fellow Christians—which was by no means the same as the Church's saying that slavery, as such, was wrong.14 Similar consolidations of political units in parts of Asia led to a decline of slavery in those realms.15 While Africa became the main source of new slaves in later centuries, existing slaves continued to include peoples of many races living in many places around the world. Ending the slavery of all these peoples was a very difficult process and one requiring deliberate and sustained action for many generations.

Ironically, the anti-slavery ideology behind this process began to develop in eighteenth century Britain, at a time when the British Empire led the world in slave trading, and when the economy of most of its overseas colonies in the Western Hemisphere depended on slaves. Here again, the baffling present-day disregard of an international saga of strife, full of individual dramas as well as historic consequences, seems explicable only in terms of today's ideological agendas. While slavery was common to all civilizations, as well as to peoples considered uncivilized, only one civilization developed a moral revulsion against it, very late in its history—Western civilization. (...)

Themselves the leading slave traders of the eighteenth century, Europeans nevertheless became, in the nineteenth century, the destroyers of slavery around the world—not just in European societies or European offshoot societies overseas, but in non-European societies as well, over the bitter opposition of Africans, Arabs, Asians, and others. Moreover, within Western civilization, the principal impetus for the abolition of slavery came first from very conservative religious activists—people who would today be called "the religious right." Clearly, this story is not "politically correct" in today's terms. Hence it is ignored, as if it never happened.

Tuo viimeinen lause pätee aika hyvin myös Sowelliin itseensä ja hänen kirjoituksiinsa.

WESTERN AND NON-WESTERN SOCIETIES

Slavery did not die out quietly of its own accord. It went down fighting to the bitter end—and it lost only because Europeans had gunpowder weapons first. The advance of European imperialism around the world marked the retreat of the slave trade and then of slavery itself. The British stamped out slavery, not only throughout the British Empire—which included one-fourth of the world, whether measured in land or people—but also by its pressures and its actions against other nations. For example, the British navy entered Brazilian waters in 1849 and destroyed Brazilian ships that had been used in the slave trade. The British government pressured the Ottoman Empire into banning the African slave trade and, later, threatened to start boarding Ottoman ships in the Mediterranean if that empire did not do a better job of policing the ban. Still later, Americans stamped out slavery in the Philippines, the Dutch stamped it out in Indonesia, the Russians in Central Asia, the French in their West African and Caribbean colonies. Germans, in their East Africa colonies, often hanged slave traders on the spot when they caught them in the act.18

No non-Western nation or civilization shared this animosity toward slavery that began to develop in the Western world in the late eighteenth century, reached its peak in the nineteenth century, and continued to fuel the anti-slavery efforts that were still necessary in much of Africa and the Middle East on into the first half of the twentieth century. This worldwide struggle went on for more than a century because the non-Western world in general resisted and evaded all efforts to get them to root out this institution that was an integral part of their economies and societies. (...)

Luonnollisesti Sowell esittelee esimerkkejä siitä, miten ei-länsimaalaiset kulttuurit suhtautuivat siihen, että eurooppalaiset menivät kertomaan, että homma loppuu nyt, mutta jääköön ne nyt lainaamatta.

In short, what was so patently wrong about slavery—in the eyes of Western civilization of the past two centuries—was almost incomprehensible to many non-Westerners. (...) In the Western world, hostility to slavery was by no means confined to elites. When a British ship stopped at Zanzibar in the nineteenth century, it was considered "dangerous" to let British sailors go ashore, for fear that they would riot if they saw the slave market there.22  (...)

Perhaps at no other period of history was the contrast between the Western and the non-Western world greater.

Ja vasurien mielestä länsimaat oli ilmeisesti tässä se "paha" osapuoli...

Contrary to the "myths to live by" created by Alex Haley and others, Africans were by no means the innocents portrayed in Roots, baffled as to why white men were coming in and taking their people away in chains.29 On the contrary, the region of West Africa from which Kunte Kinte supposedly came was one of the great slave-trading regions of the continent—before, during, and after the white man arrived. It was the Africans who enslaved their fellow Africans, selling some of these slaves to Europeans or to Arabs and keeping others for themselves. Even at the peak of Atlantic slave trade, Africans retained more slaves for themselves than they sent to the Western Hemisphere.30

This pattern was not confined to West Africa, from which most slaves were sent to the Western Hemisphere. In East Africa, the Masai were feared slave raiders and other African tribes— either alone or in conjunction with Arabs—enslaved their more vulnerable neighbors. As late as 1891, it was reported that "Manyuema slavers had demoralized surrounding tribes, destroying crops, and famine reigned everywhere."31 Even in the early twentieth century, Abyssinians were still raiding other Africans and carrying off slaves.32 It was 1922 before the British had gained sufficient control in Tanganyika to stamp out slavery there.33 Arabs were the leading slave raiders in East Africa, ranging over an area larger than all of Europe.34 The total number of slaves exported from East Africa during the nineteenth century has been estimated to be at least two million.35

Despite the impression created by Roots, during the era of the massive slave trade from West Africa, a white man was more likely to catch malaria in Africa than to catch slaves himself. The average life expectancy of a white man in the interior of sub-Saharan Africa at that time was less than one year. (...) During the era of that trade, Africa was largely ruled by Africans, who established the conditions under which slave sales took place. The crew of a slave ship was in no position to defy African rulers and their armies by going out across the land and capturing people willy-nilly. The stronger African peoples captured and enslaved the weaker peoples—the same pattern found over the centuries in Europe, Asia, the Western Hemisphere, and Polynesia (...)

Slavery was destroyed within the United States at staggering costs in blood and treasure, but the struggle was over within a few ghastly years of warfare. Nevertheless, the Civil War was the bloodiest war ever fought in the Western Hemisphere, and more Americans were killed in that war than in any other war in the country's history. But this was a highly atypical—indeed, unique— way to end slavery. In most of the rest of the world, unremitting efforts to destroy the institution of slavery went on for more than a century, on a thousand shifting fronts, and in the face of determined and ingenious efforts to continue the trade in human beings.

Within the British Empire, the abolition of slavery was accompanied by the payment of compensation to slave owners for what was legally the confiscation of their property. This cost the British government £20 million—a huge sum in the nineteenth century, about 5 percent of the nation's annual output.38 (...)

While the British could simply abolish slavery in their Western Hemisphere colonies, they faced a more daunting and longer-lasting task of patrolling the Atlantic off the coast of Africa, in order to prevent slave ships of various nationalities from continuing to supply slaves illegally. Even during the Napoleonic wars, Britain continued to keep some of its warships on patrol off West Africa. Moreover, such patrols likewise tried to interdict the shipments of slaves from East Africa through the Indian Ocean, the Red Sea, and the Persian Gulf. (...)

It would be hard to think of any other crusade pursued so relentlessly for so long by any nation, at such mounting costs, without any economic or other tangible benefit to itself. (...) The human costs were also large (...)

Although by 1860 the Atlantic slave trade had been effectively stopped, the slave trade from East Africa across the Indian Ocean, the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf took longer to be reduced significantly. Off the east coast of Africa, smaller Arab vessels called dhows hugged the coastlines, in waters too shallow for the British warships to enter.44  (...)

Because there were only a few naval ships available to cover a vast expanse of water in this region, British warships would often launch smaller boats to engage the Arab slave dhows. In these cases, as one study put it, "the slave traffickers frequently did not hesitate to attack boat crews in defence of their profits."48 (...)

In another episode, the Arabs' ruthlessness toward the slaves was further revealed:

When the Daphne's cutter captured a dhow with 156 slaves on board many were found to be in the final stages of starvation and dysentery. One woman was brought out of the dhow with a month-old infant in her arms. The baby's forehead was crushed and when she was asked how the injury had happened she explained to the ship's interpreter that as the boat came alongside the baby began to cry. One of the dhowmen, fearing that the sailors would hear the cries, picked up a stone and crushed the child's head.50

This was not a unique act. British missionary and explorer David Livingstone related a similar incident on land: "One woman, who was unable to carry both her load and young child, had the child taken from her and saw its brains dashed out on a stone."51 Dr. Livingstone also reported having nightmares for weeks after encountering Arab slave traders and their victims. Not only was this Christian missionary shocked by the brutality of the Arab slave traders, so was Mohammed Ali, the ruler of Egypt, who was a battle-hardened military commander.52

None of this means that the horrors of the transatlantic slave trade should be ignored, downplayed, or excused. Nor have they been. A vast literature has detailed the vile conditions under which slaves from Africa lived—and died—during their voyages to the Western Hemisphere. But the much less publicized slave trade to the Islamic countries had even higher mortality rates en route, as well as involving larger numbers of people over the centuries, even though the Atlantic slave trade had higher peaks while it lasted. By a variety of accounts, most of the slaves who were marched across the Sahara toward the Mediterranean died on the way.53 While these were mostly women and girls, the males faced a special danger—castration to produce the eunuchs in demand as harem attendants in the Islamic world.

Because castration was forbidden by Islamic law, the operation tended to be performed—usually crudely—in the hinterlands, before the slave caravans reached places within the effective control of the Ottoman Empire. The great majority of those operated on died as a result,54 but the price of eunuchs was so much higher than the prices of other slaves that the practice was still profitable on net balance.

On the issue of slavery, it was essentially Western civilization against the world. At the time, Western civilization had the power to prevail against all other civilizations. That is how and why slavery was destroyed as an institution in almost the whole world. But it did not happen all at once or even within a few decades. (...)

The unique position of the Western world in the history— and especially the destruction—of slavery need not imply that there was unanimity within the West on this institution. In addition to whites who defended the enslavement of Africans on racial grounds, or who opposed general emancipation on social grounds, there were many whites—and even blacks—who defended slavery as a matter of self-interest as slaveowners. Although most black owners of slaves in the United States were only nominal owners of members of their own families, there were thousands of other blacks in the antebellum South who were commercial slaveowners, just like their white counterparts.58 An estimated one-third of the "free persons of color" in New Orleans were slaveowners and thousands of these slaveowners volunteered to fight for the Confederacy during the Civil War.59 Black slaveowners were even more common in the Caribbean.60 In short, there were many defenders of slavery in the West, even in the nineteenth century—and, outside the West, slavery was too widely accepted to require defense.

THE MORAL DIMENSIONS OF SLAVERY

(...) Only in the American South did a large apologetic literature develop, seeking to justify slavery, because only there was slavery under such largescale and sustained attacks on moral grounds as to require a response. While slavery was referred to in antebellum America as a "peculiar institution," in an international perspective and in the long view of history it was not this institution that was peculiar but the principles of American freedom, with which slavery was in such obvious and irreconcilable conflict. If all men were created equal, as the Declaration of Independence proclaimed, then the only way to justify slavery was by depicting those enslaved as not fully men. A particularly virulent form of racism thus arose from a particularly desperate need to defend slavery against telling attacks that invoked the fundamental principles of the American republic. Nowhere else in the world was slavery in such dire straits ideologically and nowhere else did racism reach such heights (or depths) in defense of the institution. (...)

In short, racism was neither necessary nor sufficient for slavery, whose origins antedated racism by centuries. Racism was a result, not a cause, of slavery and not all societies that enslaved people of another race became pervaded with racism to the extent that the American South did. The stark contrast between the slave and the free which made slavery a moral issue in the Western world in modern times was simply not there for most societies and for most of history in most of the world. (...)

Sowell käsittelee kirjassaan enemmänkin tuota USA:n tilannetta ja orjien vapautusta, sekä erityisesti sitä, miten "herkkä" ja monimutkainen tilanne siellä oli. Esim herrat Washington, Jefferson ja Lincoln joutuivat tanssimaan aikamoisella trapetsilla tuon orjuus-asian kanssa, ilman turvaverkkoa. Mutta kivahan se on nykyajan mistään mitään tietämättömien tekopyhien tyhjäntoimittajien halveksua heitä ja kaataa heidän patsaita, siitä kun tulee sellainen mukava moraalisen ylemmyyden tunne.

Mutta takaisin Eurooppaan, erityisesti britteihin ja "suureen kuvaan".

Nor was this a transient phenomenon. For more than a century, these political forces were so unremitting that no British government of any party could ignore them, and even British politicians and colonial officials with no personal sense of a need to ban slavery65 were nevertheless forced further in that direction by political pressures. Not only were Britons forbidden to trade or hold slaves, the British navy intercepted slave ships from other nations on the high seas, set the slaves free and confiscated the ships.

Only Britain's overwhelming power made this possible—and even then not against a powerful nation like France—but only extraordinary political pressures at home made it necessary. Moreover, this was a moral crusade continually fanned by reports from British missionaries in Africa and elsewhere, as well as by anti-slavery sentiments from other sources. Queen Victoria told Harriet Beecher Stowe that she had wept when she read Uncle Tom's Cabin. Yet one of the signs of our own times is that intellectuals have made desperate but futile efforts to depict the worldwide British anti-slavery crusade as somehow motivated by economic self-interest,66 rather than by the kinds of moral imperatives activating the kinds of people that today's intellectuals find hard to understand. At the time, however, John Stuart Mill said that the British "for the last half-century have spent annual sums equal to the revenue of a small kingdom in blockading the Africa coast, for a cause in which we not only had no interest, but which was contrary to our pecuniary interest."67

While Britain spearheaded the anti-slavery movement in the world, the nineteenth century saw anti-slavery feelings spread until they became common throughout Western civilization—and only in Western civilization. By 1888, every country in the Western Hemisphere had abolished slavery, as had all European and European- offshoot nations around the world. Yet attempts to abolish slavery in the non-Western world provoked armed uprisings within the Ottoman Empire, and elsewhere peoples unable to directly mount challenges on the battlefield nevertheless engaged in massive evasions and concealments of their continued trade in human beings. After the open slave market in Istanbul was shut down, slaves continued to be smuggled in, often at night and in small groups, from the Caucasus and from around the Black Sea, among other places.68 Suppressing the slave trade across the Persian Gulf and the Red Sea was much harder and took much longer than suppressing the Atlantic slave trade. (...)

(...) With the passage of time, however, especially as other European powers began to adopt anti-slavery policies, not only for themselves, but for other nations that they conquered or influenced, the slave trade was forced to retreat further, though not to surrender. Moreover, the retreat of the slave trade did not mean the abolition of slavery itself.

A number of European nations, as well as the United States, officially banned the international slave trade in the early nineteenth century, and treaties among them decades later provided various means of making the ban more effective.71 But, while nations could deter other nations from slave trading, it was much more difficult to deter free-lance pirates or free-lance marauders on land from capturing and selling people wherever a vulnerable source of supply might exist. (...)

(...) As one British historian put it, "public opinion would not tolerate even vestigial slave trading in an area controlled by Britain."77

One sign of the difference between the history of slavery in Western and non-Western societies is the very different language used to describe the very different processes by which slavery was ended in these societies. For the European offshoot societies of the Western Hemisphere, the term was the "abolition" of slavery, while for Africa and the Middle East the term was "the decline of slavery"—a much more uneven and protracted process in which local peoples continued the practice whenever and wherever they could escape the scrutiny or the power of European imperial authorities. In Asia as well, slavery continued to exist in backwaters and hinterlands, on into the early twentieth century. (...)

Even independent non-Western nations were pressured to end slavery, both directly and by a desire not to be embarrassed in the eyes of the world—meaning, during the nineteenth century, mostly the powerful European world. In short, where European and European-offshoot societies held direct and effective power in the nineteenth century, slavery was simply abolished. But where the Western world's power and influence were mediated, reduced or otherwise operated only indirectly, there non-Western peoples were able to fight a long war of attrition and evasion in defense of slavery—a war which they had, however, largely lost by the middle of the twentieth century, but which they had not yet wholly lost even at the beginning of the third millennium, when vestiges of slavery remained in parts of Africa.

Despite all this, those with an instrumental view of history have managed to turn things upside down and present slavery as an evil of "our society" or of the white race or of Western civilization. One could as well do the same with murder or cancer, simply by ignoring these evils in other societies and incessantly denouncing their presence in the West. Yet what was peculiar about the West was not that it participated in the worldwide evil of slavery, but that it later abolished that evil, not only in Western societies but also in other societies subject to Western control or influence. This was possible only because the anti-slavery movement coincided with an era in which Western power and hegemony were at their zenith, so that it was essentially European imperialism which ended slavery. This idea might seem shocking, not because it does not fit the facts, but because it does not fit the prevailing vision of our time.

Kylläpähän taas tuon Sowellin kirjan lukemisen jälkeen laittaa veren kiertämään, kun ajattelee kaikkia nykyisiä länsimaisia vatipäitä kontallaan joka suuntaan, pyytämässä anteeksi länsimaisen kulttuurin pahuutta ja muiden kansojen sortamista ja orjuuttamista. 

[kriittinen_ajattelija]

https://youtu.be/tlJOgwG2EPc
4v vanha video missä mustat räppärit ottaa kantaa BLM liikkeeseen. Oikeastaan alun Asap Rockyn mielipide on aika osuva, ei ne kaikki mustat mitään ihan vajakkeja ole. Osa niistä kyllä tajuaa kun niitä ohjaillaan ajamaan liberaalin eliitin omia tarkoituksia.

Ja kukahan omistaa liberaalin median usa;ssa ja ohjaa miljoonia BLM liikkeelle... 

Usan kulttuurisodassa ei ole eri etniset ryhmät eri puolilla, vaan se on vähän kompleximpi asia kuin pintapuolisesti näyttää.

[Make M]

------
Kunpa yhteiskunta kiinnittäisi huomion tämänkin casen takana vellovaan rakenteelliseen huumeongelmaan, niin poliisikin voisi keskittyä oikeisiin rikollisiin eikä tarvitsisi käyttää kaikkea energiaa ja voimia piripäissään sekoileviin lihaskimppuihin, mistä painista ei koskaan seuraa mitään hyvää.
------

Mitä sellaista konkreettista pitäisi tehdä rakenteellisen huumeongelman purkamiseksi, jota ei vielä ole tehty?

Ymmärsin tuosta esittämästäsi toivomuksesta, että yhteiskunta (=USA?) ei vielä olisi kiinnittänyt huomiota rakenteelliseen huumeongelmaan. Minulla on asiasta eri käsitys.

[Skeptikko]

Kylläpähän taas tuon Sowellin kirjan lukemisen jälkeen laittaa veren kiertämään, kun ajattelee kaikkia nykyisiä länsimaisia vatipäitä kontallaan joka suuntaan, pyytämässä anteeksi länsimaisen kulttuurin pahuutta ja muiden kansojen sortamista ja orjuuttamista. 

Hieman samaa aihepiiriä, mutta vähän toisesta suunnasta liippaa tämä afrikkalaisten omaa osuutta afrikkalaisten myymiseen orjiksi käsittelevä kirjoitus (kirjoittaja ilmeisesti itsekin musta):

How to End the Slavery Blame-Game - The New York Times
http://archive.li/SQJyu

While we are all familiar with the role played by the United States and the European colonial powers like Britain, France, Holland, Portugal and Spain, there is very little discussion of the role Africans themselves played. And that role, it turns out, was a considerable one, especially for the slave-trading kingdoms of western and central Africa. These included the Akan of the kingdom of Asante in what is now Ghana, the Fon of Dahomey (now Benin), the Mbundu of Ndongo in modern Angola and the Kongo of today's Congo, among several others.
For centuries, Europeans in Africa kept close to their military and trading posts on the coast. Exploration of the interior, home to the bulk of Africans sold into bondage at the height of the slave trade, came only during the colonial conquests, which is why Henry Morton Stanley's pursuit of Dr. David Livingstone in 1871 made for such compelling press: he was going where no (white) man had gone before.

How did slaves make it to these coastal forts? The historians John Thornton and Linda Heywood of Boston University estimate that 90 percent of those shipped to the New World were enslaved by Africans and then sold to European traders. The sad truth is that without complex business partnerships between African elites and European traders and commercial agents, the slave trade to the New World would have been impossible, at least on the scale it occurred.

Advocates of reparations for the descendants of those slaves generally ignore this untidy problem of the significant role that Africans played in the trade, choosing to believe the romanticized version that our ancestors were all kidnapped unawares by evil white men, like Kunta Kinte was in "Roots." The truth, however, is much more complex: slavery was a business, highly organized and lucrative for European buyers and African sellers alike.
...
To be sure, the African role in the slave trade was greatly reduced after 1807, when abolitionists, first in Britain and then, a year later, in the United States, succeeded in banning the importation of slaves. Meanwhile, slaves continued to be bought and sold within the United States, and slavery as an institution would not be abolished until 1865. But the culpability of American plantation owners neither erases nor supplants that of the African slavers. In recent years, some African leaders have become more comfortable discussing this complicated past than African-Americans tend to be.

In 1999, for instance, President Mathieu Kerekou of Benin astonished an all-black congregation in Baltimore by falling to his knees and begging African-Americans' forgiveness for the "shameful" and "abominable" role Africans played in the trade. Other African leaders, including Jerry Rawlings of Ghana, followed Mr. Kerekou's bold example.
...
Through the work of Professors Thornton and Heywood, we also know that the victims of the slave trade were predominantly members of as few as 50 ethnic groups. This data, along with the tracing of blacks' ancestry through DNA tests, is giving us a fuller understanding of the identities of both the victims and the facilitators of the African slave trade.

For many African-Americans, these facts can be difficult to accept. Excuses run the gamut, from "Africans didn't know how harsh slavery in America was" and "Slavery in Africa was, by comparison, humane" or, in a bizarre version of "The devil made me do it," "Africans were driven to this only by the unprecedented profits offered by greedy European countries."

But the sad truth is that the conquest and capture of Africans and their sale to Europeans was one of the main sources of foreign exchange for several African kingdoms for a very long time. Slaves were the main export of the kingdom of Kongo; the Asante Empire in Ghana exported slaves and used the profits to import gold. Queen Njinga, the brilliant 17th-century monarch of the Mbundu, waged wars of resistance against the Portuguese but also conquered polities as far as 500 miles inland and sold her captives to the Portuguese. When Njinga converted to Christianity, she sold African traditional religious leaders into slavery, claiming they had violated her new Christian precepts.

Did these Africans know how harsh slavery was in the New World? Actually, many elite Africans visited Europe in that era, and they did so on slave ships following the prevailing winds through the New World. For example, when Antonio Manuel, Kongo's ambassador to the Vatican, went to Europe in 1604, he first stopped in Bahia, Brazil, where he arranged to free a countryman who had been wrongfully enslaved.

African monarchs also sent their children along these same slave routes to be educated in Europe. And there were thousands of former slaves who returned to settle Liberia and Sierra Leone. The Middle Passage, in other words, was sometimes a two-way street. Under these circumstances, it is difficult to claim that Africans were ignorant or innocent.
...
Henry Louis Gates Jr., a professor at Harvard, is the author of the forthcoming "Faces of America" and "Tradition and the Black Atlantic."

[Skeptikko]

RAW: Released George Floyd body cam footage from former officers Thomas Lane and J. Alexander Kueng
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NjKjaCvXdf4

Videon kommenteista poimintoja:

The real question is "WHY WAS THIS NOT RELEASED EARLIER"? So many lives, properties have been destroyed over this? The real criminal is the person who did not sanction the video to be released earlier.
...
High as a kite, not listening to the cops, dropping small white bags, hyperventilating... the cops called an ambulance and restrained him waiting for said ambulance. That's what over 30 people have died for during the riots, including a woman shot for saying "All lives matter", not to mention all the property damage. The media that is fuelling the racial divide with their lies have to be held accountable.
...
While kneeling on his neck was really unnecessary, its 100% Floyd's fault for getting himself into that position the guy in the red cap cooperated and they barely laid a finger on him

[nollatoleranssi]

https://youtu.be/h0U2QUGKbSE

Kanye Westin uusin biisi, liittyen USA;n nykytilaan.

Kanye West on yksi niistä mustista jotka on worth of respect.

Koko BLM on liberaalin eliitin juoni vaan ajaa omia tavoitteitaan, tällä liikkeellä ei ole mitään tekemistä mustien oikeuksien kanssa.

Musiikkivideoon en sen kummemmin ota kantaa, mutta mielenkiintoista oli lukea videon kommentteja.

Youtube oli poistanut yli miljoona näyttökertaa videolta (videolla oli aiemmin lähes 10 miljoonaa tai päälle näyttökertoja ja katsojien mukaan yli 1-2 miljoonaa näyttökertaa oli lähtenyt tuosta vaan).

Videolla on tälläkin hetkellä ainoastaan vähän päälle 9 miljoonaa näyttökertaa, vaikka silloin joitakin päiviä sitten kun katsoin lukeman niin oli yli 8,7 miljoonaa.

Youtube on lisännyt videoon ikärajoituksen. Tämä siitäkin huolimatta, vaikka video ei ole millään mittareilla mitattuna kovin erikoinen ja viimeaikaiset äärimmäisen härskit ja seksitiset muiden räppäreiden tekemät videot näkyvät kaikille ja ovat varsinkin lasten suosiossa esim. Suomen YouTube trendaavissa ykkössijoilla (YouTube manipuloi trendaavien listalta pois videoita, joiden ei katsota ajavan sopivaa poliittista agendaa).

Hyvin todennäköisesti YouTube on aivan tietoisesti laskenut videon näyttökertoja miljoonilla ja näkyvyyttä merkittävästi. Tämä siitä huolimatta, vaikka kyseessä on hyvin tunnettu musta räppäri.

[Outo olio]

^Onko Kanye West muuten yhä pressanvaaliehdokkaana, meinaan että täpärät vaalit just tulossa ja jonkun ehdokkaan videon näkyvyyttä mennään näpelöimään... Kyseessä ei liene kampanjavideo ainakaan sanan perinteisessä merkityksessä, mutta silti tässä voi aika monella palaa näpit, ja joutua vaikka rikossyytteeseen vaalisabotaasista, ei kannattaisi yrittää mitään just nyt.

Lisäys: "Venäjän vaalivaikuttamisesta internetissä" on kohuttu jo vuosia, joten "YouTuben vaalivaikuttaminen" asettuisi ihmisten mielissä samaan kategoriaan ja kuulostaisi siksi erityisen pahalta. YouTubea on jo nyt eri suunnista syytetty salaa puolueelliseksi, presidenttivaalien sabotaasi siihen vielä niin voi joutua vaikka minkä salaliittotutkinnan kohteeksi koko firma. Absurdia tulella leikkimistä, onko tuo video muka niin tärkeä?


Lisäys 2: video on sekava abstrakti taidepläjäys, joka luultavasti haittaa Westiä enemmän kuin hyödyttää. Videon näkyvyyden rajoittaminen siis suojelee Westiä häneltä itseltään. Westin rooli näissä vaaleissa on korkeintaan syödä vähän kannatusta Trumpilta, joten videon näkyvyyden rajoittaminen voi haitata Trumppia, ja hyödyttää Joe Bidenia. Sekava kuvio.

[ikuturso]

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Kunpa yhteiskunta kiinnittäisi huomion tämänkin casen takana vellovaan rakenteelliseen huumeongelmaan, niin poliisikin voisi keskittyä oikeisiin rikollisiin eikä tarvitsisi käyttää kaikkea energiaa ja voimia piripäissään sekoileviin lihaskimppuihin, mistä painista ei koskaan seuraa mitään hyvää.
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Mitä sellaista konkreettista pitäisi tehdä rakenteellisen huumeongelman purkamiseksi, jota ei vielä ole tehty?

Ymmärsin tuosta esittämästäsi toivomuksesta, että yhteiskunta (=USA?) ei vielä olisi kiinnittänyt huomiota rakenteelliseen huumeongelmaan. Minulla on asiasta eri käsitys.

Yhteiskunta koostuu ihmisistä. Viittasin siis lähinnä näihin BLM mellakoitsijoihin, jotka eivät näe muuta ongelmaa kuin ihonvärin ja intersektionaalisen uhrihierarkian.

Jos kaikki se raivo ja energia, mikä purkautuu BLM-liikkeessä käytettäisiin huumeiden vastaiseen toimintaan ja huumeiden välitysketjujen esiin kaivamiseen sen sijaan, että kaivetaan historiasta kolumbuksen lausumia tai boikotoidaan eskimojäätelöä.

-i-

[Lahti-Saloranta]

Näin sattumalta uuden ja todella hyävä bodykameravideon jonkun amerikkalaisen lehden sivuilta. Siinä näkyy kun herra Floyd on poliisin hallintaotteessa auton vieressä. Hyvin tuntui herralta henki kulkevan kun huusi mama, jne samalla sätkien. Oli täysin sekaisin ja sykekin taisi olla pilvissä. Mikä sitten lienee lopullinen kuolinsyy, sydämmen pysähdys vai mikä. Oli mikä oli niin poliisia siitä ei voi syyttää ja vähiten poliisiväkivaltaa. Saisi muuten Taponenkin kertoa missä poliisi toimi väärin vai olisiko hörhö pitänyt päästää aineissa ajelemaan.