Kreikan parlamenttivaalit 7.7.2019

[MrOldSchool]

Ei tainnut vielä olla omaa ketjua Kreikan tämänpäiväisistä vaaleista? Tosin eipä näissä taida olla muuta seurattavaa kuin se, että saako Uusi Demokratia ehdottoman enemmistön parlamenttiin.

Kathimerini-lehden jutussa taustoja puoluejohtajista.

...

ALEXIS TSIPRAS

The Athens-born civil engineer is a veteran of Greek politics at age 44, leading the once-marginal Coalition of the Radical Left, Syriza, to a landmark election victory in 2015.

Politically active since his teenage years, Tsipras rose to power as Greece's economy was plunged into financial crisis and voters turned their backs on traditionally dominant parties. Tsipras was first elected on a promise to scrap the draconian terms imposed for bailouts by European Union institutions and the International Monetary Fund,

But he was forced to accept a third rescue deal to keep Greece in the euro. He has since dropped a confrontational stance toward Germany and other large creditor nations and has also built closer military ties with the United States.

Praised by Western allies, his government also hammered out a historic compromise with Balkan neighbor North Macedonia, in a name-change deal that remains broadly unpopular among Greeks.

Tsipras has promised to rebuild public services after years of hardship and funding cuts and insists his party can overturn a huge gap in opinion polls.

KYRIAKOS MITSOTAKIS

Despite facing skepticism within his own party, the 51-year-old Mitsotakis has built a huge lead in opinion polls spanning back three years and is the strong favorite to win Sunday.

A tireless campaigner, Mitsotakis is the Harvard-educated son of the late prime minister Constantine Mitsotakis whose combative style as conservative leader in the late 1980s and early 1990s still remains controversial

The younger Mitsotakis, leader of Greece's conservative establishment party since January 2016, has struggled to shed an image of family privilege. He focused his campaign on blue collar voters and pledged to make the country more-business friendly, cut taxes, and modernize Greece's antiquated bureaucracy.

Mitsotakis served in a previous conservative government as minister of administrative reform. Unlike many other conservative leaders in the EU, he remains a staunch supporter of deeper European integration. He disputes claims by the Tsipras government that he is tied to the rightist wing of his party and favors privatizing welfare services.

...

OTHER LEADERS

Three other parties are vying for seats in parliament — set by a threshold of 3% of the vote nationwide.

Golden Dawn is an extreme right party founded by neo-Nazi supporters 34 years ago, and leaders currently face charges related to incitement to violence. The party suffered a sharp drop in support before Sunday's vote.

Former Finance Minister Yanis Varoufakis founded a pan-European anti-austerity party in 2016 and narrowly missed the threshold in Greece in European Parliament elections in May.

And far-right TV pundit Kyriakos Velopoulos and his party Greek Solution has seen a surge in support in recent months.

Wikipedia-artikkelissa tietoa vaalijärjestelmästä ja gallup-tuloksista. Vaalihuoneistot sulkeutuvat seitsemältä, jolloin saadaan ovensuukyselyjen tulokset. Tänne tulee tuloksia ja täältä voi katsella paikallista vaaliohjelmaa aamukuuteen asti.

Neljän vuoden tauon jälkeen kreikkalaiset ovat siis palaamassa entiseen, kun toinen vanhoista valtapuolueista on ottamassa vallan. Tulevan pääministerin isähän oli aikoinaan pääministerinä ja siskokin on istunut hallituksessa useampaan otteeseen. Jännä nähdä muuttuvatko maan asiat parempaan suuntaan tälläkään kertaa.

[MrOldSchool]

[tweet]1147898375808966656[/tweet]

[tweet]1147898901497831424[/tweet]

Noniin vähintään 155 paikkaa näyttäs pukkaavan Uudelle Demokratialle, Kultainen Aamunkoitto jopa vaarassa pudota kokonaan pois parlamentista. En tiiä sitten onko nää ovensuukyselyt ollut yleensä miten tarkkoja. Aika laaja haarukka näyttäs ainakin olevan.

[sancai]

Mikä mahtaa olla tämän Uuden demokratian (realistinen) kanta maahanmuuttoasioihin? Jatketaanko transit-maana vai aloitetaanko rajavalvonta?

[MrOldSchool]

Mulla ei ole tarkempaa tietoa, mutta tuleva pääministeri Mitsotakis jakaa ainakin kokoomuksen arvopohjan ja olisi valmis potkimaan Orbánin ja Fideszin pihalle EPP-ryhmästä. Mutta uskoisin, että puolueessa on tiukemmankin matupolitiikan kannattajia, joiden mielipidettä kannattaa kuunnella, jos haluaa vallassa pysyä.

Kultaisen Aamunkoiton ääniosuus vaihtelee 2,98%:n ja 3,00%:n välillä. Eli vaikka äärivasemmistolle tuli vaalitappio niin näyttäisi medialle tulevan edes joku ilonaihe näissä vaaleissa.

[Alaric]

^ Politicon artikkelin mukaan Uusi demokratia -puolueessa olisi "äärioikeistolaisia" elementtejä, jotka ovat vahvistuneet ja päässeet pinnalle viime aikoina. Oikeistopopulismistakin tuossa puhutaan.

Tiedäpä sitten... pitäisi tutustua vähän tarkemmin. Mielenkiintoista.

https://www.politico.eu/article/kyriakos-mitsotakis-greece-trojan-trump-new-democracy-party/ (4.7.2019)

Greece's Trojan Trump

The next prime minister might be a centrist. His party is anything but.

Kyriakos Mitsotakis, the likely next prime minister of Greece, looks every inch the Western-facing liberal he was brought up to be.

The leader of the nominally center-right New Democracy party is the son of former Prime Minister Konstantinos Mitsotakis (Greek politics is irredeemably dynastic) and a graduate of Harvard, Stanford and Harvard Business School.

In a country strafed by austerity and poverty, Mitsotakis' expected victory in a general election Sunday has been widely portrayed as a return to normal for Greek politics after more than a decade of political and economic turmoil following the 2008 financial crisis.

But look behind him and a different picture emerges. New Democracy's leader may be a moderate centrist; the rest of the party is anything but. If Greek voters reject Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras' "radical left" Syriza party in favor of Mitsotakis' — as polls widely expect them to — they'll be exchanging one set of populist politicians for another.

Even as Tsipras has steered his party toward the center, New Democracy has swerved to the right. Mitsotakis has become the acceptable face of a party containing hard-right elements, which have, moreover, been emboldened through the right's global success — everywhere from Hungary to the United States.

Indeed, Mitsotakis owes his very election to the leadership to New Democracy's hard-right faction — led by former prime minister and party leader Antonis Samaras, and Adonis Georgiadis, its vice president and a former minister of health in Samaras' government.

Georgiadis is a controversial figure. Like many of today's right wing, he has been accused of anti-Semitism. He has also cast doubt on the official version of the Polytechneion uprising against the junta in 1973 — a sacred event in the national consciousness. Specifically (and incredibly) he stated that the event incurred no casualties (in fact there were around 40 civilian deaths). "There were no deaths in the Polytechneion, not one," he claimed on live TV.

(...)

The party's rightward shift has its origins in the position it found itself in a few months after Syriza took power in 2015. Tsipras had strutted into office in January promising to fight Brussels and oppose the "memorandum" — the agreement between Athens and its creditors that exchanged debt relief for a series of austerity measures.

By mid-summer he had capitulated to both.

For Tsipras and Syriza, it was a humiliating climb down. But it wasn't one on which New Democracy could capitalize — as it brought the Greek government's policy in line with a position it had long advocated.

And so, looking to differentiate itself from the government, the party started to strengthen its right-populist identity. "Since it could not oppose implementing the memorandum, it had to oppose Syriza's policies on matters like human rights and so called 'national issues,'" said Augustine Zenakos, an independent journalist and a member of the investigative team The Manifold.

(...)

It's this environment that has allowed for the emergence of figures like Georgiadis. Once, they would have been considered peripheral. Today, they're key players. Their aggressive rhetoric infects the bloodstream of the body politic.

New Democracy, a broad right-wing party, has always included extreme nationalist elements. Because of Greece's crisis, they've gained prominence in the party. Now — New Democracy's centrist leader notwithstanding — they're set to play an important role in running the country. Greece may be headed for yet more instability.

[Roope]

Sellainenkin juttu, että Uusi demokratia on saanut noin 40 prosenttia äänistä, eli paljon vähemmän kuin Fidesz Unkarissa, mutta puolue voi Ylen mukaan silti saada yksinään enemmistön parlamenttiin. Silti missään ei ole toistaiseksi uutisoitu oikeusvaltiokehityksen vaarantumisesta.

[kivimies]

Sellainenkin juttu, että Uusi demokratia on saanut noin 40 prosenttia äänistä, eli paljon vähemmän kuin Fidesz Unkarissa, mutta puolue voi Ylen mukaan silti saada yksinään enemmistön parlamenttiin. Silti missään ei ole toistaiseksi uutisoitu oikeusvaltiokehityksen vaarantumisesta.

Tuo liittyy pikemminkin siihen, kuinka mediassa on sanottu Orbanin muuttaneen vaalijärjestelmän "omaa puoluettaan suosivaksi".

[Julleht]

Sellainenkin juttu, että Uusi demokratia on saanut noin 40 prosenttia äänistä, eli paljon vähemmän kuin Fidesz Unkarissa, mutta puolue voi Ylen mukaan silti saada yksinään enemmistön parlamenttiin. Silti missään ei ole toistaiseksi uutisoitu oikeusvaltiokehityksen vaarantumisesta.

Johtunee siitä, että vaalisysteemiä muutettiin demokaattisempaan suuntaan nyt loppuvalla kaudella. Nykyisessä ja näihin vaaleihin loppuvassa järjestelmässä 300 edustajan parlamentista 250 meni suhteellisesti jakautuen, jonka jälkeen suurimmalle puolueelle lätkäistiin 50 paikan bonus. Laitavasemmiston Syriza ajoi tällä kaudella läpi muutoksen, jossa tästä lähtien koko 300 edustajan parlamentti jaetaan suhteellisesti ilman bonuksia.

Syriza ajoi muutosta jo näihin vaaleihin, mutta olisi tarvinnut 2/3 enemmistön parlamentissa. Sitä ei löytynyt ND:n vastustaessa, joten nämä vaalit mentiin vielä vanhalla järjestelmällä.

Toki tähän saisi sen kulman, että oikeistoaskelia ottanut ND voisi muokata tuon takaisin kohti epädemokraattista suuntaa ja palauttaa bonusjärjestelmän, kun on nyt saamassa yli 150 paikkaa. Siitä varmaan saisi jutun juurtakin, kun olisi sama suunta Fideszin toteuttamien muutosten kanssa.

[writer]

Mikä mahtaa olla tämän Uuden demokratian (realistinen) kanta maahanmuuttoasioihin? Jatketaanko transit-maana vai aloitetaanko rajavalvonta?

Vaikuttaa olevan maahanmuuttokriittistä menoa ja kansalaisuuden antamista liian löysästi on arvosteltu:

Could Greece's immigration reforms have an impact on upcoming elections?
Society 15/05/2019 - 11:47

Debate around a recent amendment to Greece's Citizenship Code has prompted a flurry of claims linking the granting of Greek citizenship to upcoming electoral contests.

The right-wing press and the opposition have accused the government of seeking to change the composition of the electorate in key districts by easing the path to citizenship for foreign nationals at a key time in the election cycle.

While these citizenship-for-votes claims have been categorically denied by the government, they strike a chord with a Greek public that has become increasingly xenophobic and suspicious of immigrants in recent years. As Greece enters a prolonged campaigning period, with local and European elections coming in May and national elections sometime before the end of the year, issues that touch on national identity are shaping up to become the focus of intense and acrimonious debate. 

Accusations and rebuttals

On the eve of new legislation on the granting of Greek citizenship, several pointed questions were raised by opposition MPs around the number of new citizenships and their implications for the electoral map.

In a parliamentary question, New Democracy's shadow defence spokesman Vassilis Kikilias cited a front-page article in right-wing Estia newspaper, claiming that "the government has added 43,000 foreign voters to the electoral register for the Athens A' district, while it steadfastly refuses to give the vote to expatriate Greeks." The article linked forthcoming legislation to promote so-called "express citizenship procedures" to the upcoming local, European and national elections, pointing out that SYRIZA had gained 78,431 votes in the district in question in the last general election, a very narrow lead over New Democracy's 77,630 votes.

Another New Democracy MP, immigration spokesman Miltiadis Varvitsiotis, queried the 136.9 percent increase in successful citizenship applications in the three years to 2017. Varvitsiotis noted that the largest increase was recorded between 2015 and 2016, near the start of SYRIZA's term in government, when the number of citizenships granted "skyrocketed" from 14,178 to 33,487.

Interior Minister Alexis Haritsis responded by describing the claims as a "far-right conspiracy theory, entirely constructed out of fake news, xenophobia and racism". He cited ministry figures showing that 12,841 foreign nationals acquired Greek citizenship in the Athens A' district between 2015 and 2018 by meeting the legal requirements.

The minister noted that the majority of those cases relate to second-generation immigrants born in Greece and attending Greek schools, as a result of legislation introduced by his government in 2015.

New Democracy are not the only mainstream political party to express alarm over the recent increase in successful citizenship applications. Earlier last year, Giorgos Tsaousis, an immigration lawyer and migration spokesman for centrist party To Potami, had criticised the discretionary nature of citizenship panels, which he blamed for an unaccountable increase in citizenships granted to naturalised foreign-born applicants. These increased from 1,487 in 2015 to 3,483 in 2017.

Some of the accusations levelled at the SYRIZA government, meanwhile, stray into more sinister territory.

In a much-discussed recent tweet, Niki Tzavella, a New Democracy candidate for the European Parliament, claimed that "her Afghan greengrocer" was receiving text "in Afghan" (sic) telling him to vote for SYRIZA, and that "the Pakistanis are receiving similar messages in Pakistani" (sic). "Very interesting elections!!", she concluded.

In a similar vein, commenting on a video of a meeting between Migration Policy minister Dimitris Vitsas and representatives of the Pakistani community in Athens, New Democracy's Varvitsiotis accused Vitsas of "shamelessly bragging in front of the Pakistani community of legislation voted in by his government which allows anyone, with any kind of paper, even a letter, to apply for a three-year residence permit."

Paraphrasing a SYRIZA slogan used by the minister, "dreams don't have borders", Varvitsiotis rejoindered that, "sadly, the dreams of SYRIZA are proving a nightmare for Greeks."

The long-standing accusation that the governing party maintains an "open door" policy to migrants looks likely to gain greater urgency in view of the forthcoming elections, so it is worth examining whether there is any substance to this latest wave of allegations.

Recent changes

There have been two major changes to immigration law since SYRIZA came to power in 2015. Law 4332/2015, passed in July 2015, eased the path for children of foreign parents born and/or educated in Greece to become citizens. This law revived, in slightly amended form, legislation previously passed in 2010 by the PASOK government of George Papandreou (law 3838/2010, the so-called "Ragousis law"), which had been overturned on constitutional grounds by the Council of State. The successful implementation of the law marked a major change, which opened a new path to citizenship for large numbers of long-term foreign residents of Greece.

The most recent legislation, law 4604/2019, passed on March 20, contains a series of amendments to the Greek Citizenship Code designed primarily to meet Greece's obligations as a signatory of the UN Convention on Human Rights. These include designating paths to citizenship for older applicants and the disabled, as well as for stateless Roma who have a historical presence in the country. It also replaces the citizenship interview with a standardised citizenship test, shortens the process, and reduces the fees for the citizenship application from 700 to 550 euros.

In addition to the legislation currently in place, SYRIZA is proposing, as part of the ongoing debate on constitutional reform, to allow foreign nationals permanently resident in Greece to vote and stand for office in local elections.

What the numbers say

The potential pool of new citizens was and is substantial. The 2011 census counted 912,000 foreign nationals permanently residing in Greece , close to 8.5 percent of the total resident population at the time. More than half were Albanian citizens (52.7 percent, followed by Bulgarians at 8.3 percent and Romanians at 5.1 percent). The portion of non-citizens in the general population has remained fairly stable. Eurostat figures show that Greece is currently home to around twice the European average of resident foreign citizens relative to the total population, however it ranks below most member-states including similarly sized countries like Austria and Belgium. The majority foreign nationals in Greece originate in non-EU states.

Greece has been slow to offer reliable paths to citizenship for foreign nationals. As a result, the number of citizenships granted has been low until relatively recently, in both absolute and relative terms. In 2003, when continuous reporting began, Greece ranked near the bottom among European member-states for the number of citizenships acquired by foreign nationals, granting only 1,896 citizenships, less than 0.2 per 1,000 inhabitants.

A major increase came in 2008-2009, with most of the beneficiaries being Albanian nationals. The numbers increased again, coinciding with the major immigration policy reforms in 2010 and 2015.

Today Greece is well above the EU-28 average for citizenships granted relative to the total population and ranks sixth among EU member-states with 3.2 citizenships granted for every 1,000 inhabitants in 2017.

The Interior Ministry publishes more detailed statistics on citizenship acquisition, going back to 2011.

In total, 203,554 individuals acquired Greek citizenship over the past eight years through a variety of legal routes. Of these, 110,543 were awarded citizenship in the four years since the beginning of 2015, while only slightly fewer were successful over the prior four years, totalling 93,011.

There has been an overall increase of only 20 percent in citizenships granted since 2015 under SYRIZA compared to the preceding governments.

Over the entire period, the largest group of newly-minted citizens were Greek expats, almost 87,000 of whom who gained citizenship through naturalisation. The second largest group were second-generation immigrants, 75,669 of whom were granted citizenship. Just over 17,000 foreign nationals gained Greek citizenship through naturalisation.

The Ragoussis law (2828/10) resulted in an increase in successful applications between 2011 and 2013. Many of these applications were by members of the Greek diaspora, but there was also a significant number of second-generation immigrants granted citizenship in 2011 and 2012. Between 2013 and 2015, successful applications halved from 30,223 to 14,178.

The re-introduction of citizenship by birth and/or school attendance in Greece with law 4332/15 brought a sharp increase again in 2016, which continued in 2017 but started to tail off in 2018. In 2016, 58 percent of successful applications were by second-generation immigrants, while in 2017 and 2018 they represented close to 75 percent of the total.

The same period also witnessed a doubling in the annual numbers for naturalisations of foreign-born immigrants. Over the entire period 2011-2018, we can see that the number of successful applications by foreign-born residents doubled since 2015 compared to the previous period.

Foreign-born applicants, however, were much more likely to have their citizenship applications rejected, and the process seems to be becoming stricter over time. Only two in three foreign-born applicants were granted citizenship in 2018, down from four in five in 2017. Greek expats also face a reasonably high rejection rate. One in four applications from this group were rejected in 2018, up from less than 4 percent in the prior year.

The high rejection rate casts some doubt on the claims that citizenship boards have been applying their discretion in favour of foreign-born applicants.

In terms of country of origin, by far the largest group to successfully apply for Greek citizenship have been Albanian nationals. As recently as 2018, 9 in 10 naturalised Greek expats and second-generation immigrants granted citizenship were Albanian nationals, as were over 6 in 10 foreign nationals granted citizenship.

Could these numbers sway election results? The new citizens created since the last general election in 2015 correspond to just 1 percent of the electorate (making the outside assumption that they are all of voting age) (at the last count, 9,913,609 citizens were on the electoral rolls, and only 5,567930 voted). In marginal districts such as Athens A', however, they could have a more decisive effect - but that is only assuming that they vote in large numbers and that they vote uniformly, neither of which assumption has been tested.

Finally, it is worth putting into context what one means when one speaks of an "express" citizenship process. Foreign-born citizens applying for Greek citizenship have historically had to wait at least four years for their citizenship interview. The most recent progress statistics, published on March 7 of this year, show that the interviews conducted in January and February 2019 related to applications submitted in the first quarter of 2015 for Athens, while other citizenship directorates had even longer lead times. The Thessaloniki directorate is currently examining applications dating back to the first quarter of 2013. Applicants starting the process today in Athens are still being advised to expect a four-year wait.

It is therefore a near-impossibility that the latest changes to the Citizenship Code will create new voters in time for this year's elections.

What does it mean?

While the opposition claims that the SYRIZA government has been boosting the number of citizenships awarded in order to build its base, the statistics show a relatively modest increase compared to prior governments, despite two rounds of immigration reforms.

In fact, citizenships being granted today are in many cases the result of a multi-year application process endured by many of the applicants. The SYRIZA government has done much to bring access to citizenship closer in line with European and international practice, and the increase in numbers observed in recent years seems most likely to be the result of pent-up demand following an extended period of very few citizenship awards.

Finally, both the statistics and the practicalities of the process make it unlikely that many Afghan or Pakistani nationals will be swelling the SYRIZA base in this year's elections, as most new citizens are of Albanian or east European descent.

Although the substance of the allegations is relatively easy to disprove, the innuendo in which they are couched will be harder to dispel.

Events such as the one addressed by Migration Policy Minister Vitsas clearly illustrate a strategy on SYRIZA's part for courting immigrant communities with promises of easier integration and greater respect for their rights.  There is nothing inherently shocking or untoward about this in the context of an election campaign, except perhaps for the casualness with which promises of easy citizenship seem to be offered from the speaker's podium.

...

The upcoming election will also be the first in which 17-year-olds get the vote, thanks to a change to the electoral law in 2016 which will add an estimated 106,760 new voters to the rolls. In electoral terms, this heralds a change of similar magnitude, which however has attracted much less comment.

Urban legends such as that of the Afghan greengrocer find fertile ground in public attitudes increasingly hostile to immigrants. A recent Pew Research Study survey showed that an overwhelming majority of Greeks consider immigrants to be a burden on the host country – 74 percent of respondents agreed with this statement, the highest among all the countries surveyed, where the median was 38 percent. The same study showed that the portion of Greeks who view immigrants' contribution positively has fallen from 19 percent to 10 percent since 2014.

In this context, it is also interesting to observe that the immigrant groups that feature most prominently in the opposition's complaints are not the Albanians and east Europeans who will first get to vote in the upcoming electoral contests, and who are by now assimilated to a great degree, but the non-European Muslims who are the favourite target of European far-right rhetoric.

This has opened New Democracy up to claims of running a dog-whistling campaign, while its leader Kyriakos Mitsotakis is accused of indulging the nativist tactics in his party while focusing on his own drive to make it easier for overseas Greeks t

loput:
http://www.macropolis.gr/?i=portal.en.society.8361

[-PPT-]

Missä mahtaa olla  PASOK joka oli hallitusvastuussa 2010 kun eurokriisi eskaloitui ja puolue tuhoutui täysin pudoten pienpuolueeksi tämän vuosikymmenen vaaleissa?

Kreikassahan oli vuosikymmeniä käytännössä kaksipuoluejärjestelmä; Uusi Demokratia (Mitsotakisin perhedynastia) ja PASOK (Papandreoun perhedynastia). PASOK on kadonnut. Uusi demokratia tehnyt paluun.

[Julleht]

Missä mahtaa olla  PASOK joka oli hallitusvastuussa 2010 kun eurokriisi eskaloitui ja puolue tuhoutui täysin pudoten pienpuolueeksi tämän vuosikymmenen vaaleissa?

Kreikassahan oli vuosikymmeniä käytännössä kaksipuoluejärjestelmä; Uusi Demokratia (Mitsotakisin perhedynastia) ja PASOK (Papandreoun perhedynastia). PASOK on kadonnut. Uusi demokratia tehnyt paluun.

PASOK on osa tuota kolmanneksi tullutta sosialidemokraattien KINAL-liittoumaa. Pasokin lisäksi siihen kuuluu yksi vai kaksi alle prosentin puoluetta.

Hämäsi itseänikin aiemmin, aivan olemattomiin eivät siis ole kadonneet merkittävästä laskusta huolimatta.

[repo]

Kreikan tilanteen seurannasta en löytänyt yleisketjua enkä viitsi sellaista vielä perustaa vain tämän jutun nostosta. Tällaista suomenkielistä hyvin toimitettua juttua tuskin tulee valtamediaamme joten siksi nosto pienen suomalaisen verkkojulkaisun journalismille. Toiseksi jokainen voi harjoittaa medialukutaitoaan, onko kerran jostain netin syövereistä nostettu juttu enemmän totta vai totuttujen nimekkäiden medioiden useaan kertaan toistamat enemmän tai vähemmän niiden agendan mukaiseksi vääristetyt jutut Kreikasta.

Pystytäänkö Kreikassa viimeinkin vaikuttamaan äänestämällä ilman "eurooppalaisten ratkaisujen" hakemista? Tämä on kysymys, jota meidän valtamedia ei halua kuulla eikä käsitellä.

https://beta.oikeamedia.com/o1-116012

Kreikan uusi hallitus alkaa ratkoa vuosia kestäneen sosialistisen hallinnon aiheuttamia vahinkoja

Halu edistää myös Kreikan välisiä suhteita niin Amerikan kuin Israelin kanssa
Ulkomaat la 27.07.2019 00:01
[...]

Konservatiivit rökittivät vasemmiston 7. heinäkuuta pidetyissä Kreikan ennenaikaisissa parlamenttivaaleissa ja annetut äänet kuvastavat Maria Polizoidoun mukaan Kreikan kansan kokemaa turhautumista ja inhoa paitsi Syriza-johtoisen hallituksen epäonnistumisista, jotka aiheuttivat tuhoa taloudelle ja valtion laitoksille; myös siitä seuranneesta laajalle levinneestä korruptiosta ja sekasorrosta, joka oli vallannut maan.
[...]

Uusi hallitus aloitti työnsä, jolla on selvästi aitona tarkoituksenaan vaatimus välittömästä muutoksesta.

Esimerkiksi uusi kansalaisten suojeluministeri Michalis Chrysochoidis ryhtyi toimiin poliisivoimien uudistamiseksi. Hän ilmoitti tehostavansa lainvalvontatoimia entisestään parantamalla rekrytointipolitiikkaa, vahvistamalla rikollisuuden vastaisia ​​yksiköitä ja mahdollistamalla ratsiat "no-go" -alueille, kuten Exarchiaan, joka on huumekauppiaiden, anarkistien ja laittomien maahanmuuttajien pesäpaikka.

Uusi hallitus on siirtänyt laittoman maahanmuuton käsittelyn maahanmuuttopolitiikasta vastaavasta ministeriöstä kansalaisten suojelusta vastaavan ministeriön alaisuuteen suhtautumalla ongelmaan kansallisena turvallisuusuhkana.
[...]

Mitsotakis on törmännyt ongelmiin kuitenkin Berliinissä ja Brysselissä pyrkiessään vähentämään budjettiylijäämätavoitteita.

Maria Polizoidoun mielestä Saksan ja euroalueen johtajien kannattaisi ymmärtää kaksi tärkeää asiaa: ensinnäkin se, että Kreikkaa ei enää hallitse Syriza-puolueen epäluotettavat populistit; ja toiseksi, että suuret ylijäämät ovat todellisuudessa varoventtiili velkojen takaisinmaksua varten.
[,,,]

Koko juttu linkistä, jutussa myös runsas linkitys taustamateriaaleihin - muihinkin kuin jutun alussa viitattuun Maria Polizoidou artikkeliin Gatestone-instituutille.

Muokkaus: lisätty korostukset lainaukseen.